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library  of 
OCbe  University  of  >lortI]  Carolina 

KENAN   MEMORIAL    COLLECTION 

I  N     M  K  M  ORY     (i  K 

WILLIAM    HANI)   KENAN 

given   by    his  daughter 

MARY   LILY    KENAN     FLAGLER 


Devote;!   to  the   History  of  the  South   in 
the    Civil    War 


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This  book  is  due  at  the  LOUIS  R.  WILSON  LIBRARY  on  the 
last  date  stamped  under  "Date  Due."  If  not  on  hold  it  may  be 
renewed  by  bringing  it  to  the  library. 


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rorm  No  51 3 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 


THE  VALLEY 
CAMPAIGNS 

Being  the  Reminiscences  of  a  Non-  Combat- 
ant While  Between  the  Lines  in  the 
Shenandoah   Valley  During 
the  War  of  the  States 


By 

THOMAS  A.  ASHBY,  M.D.,  LL.D. 

Author  of  "Life  of  Turner  Ashby,"  Published  by 
This  House,  and  of  other  books 


NEW  YORK 
THE  NEALE  PUBLISHING  COMPANY 

1914 


Copyright,  1914,  by 
The  Neale  Publishing  Company 


To 
THE  HOME  GUARD  OF  THE  SOUTH 
Who  bore  the  anxieties,  the  sorrows,  and 
the  privations  of  war  with  courage  and 
cheerfulness,    and    who    tilled    the 
soil  and  raised  the  crops  that 
supported  the  Southern  ar- 
mies in  the  field ;  and 

To 
THE  FAITHFUL  NEGRO  SERVANTS 
Who  remained  loyal  to  their  masters  dur- 
ing the  war  this  book  is  dedicated. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2012  with  funding  from 

University  of  North  Carolina  at  Chapel  Hill 


http://archive.org/details/valleycampaignsbashb 


PREFACE 

In  this  book  the  author  has  attempted  to  tell  a 
story  of  the  Civil  War  as  related  by  one  who  was 
an  eye-witness  of  the  facts.  The  story  is  told 
from  the  standpoint  of  a  boy,  who  here  gives  ob- 
servations and  relates  experiences  that  are  not 
usually  recounted  by  the  historian. 

The  incidents  connected  with  the  story  are  lo- 
cated almost  entirely  in  the  Valley  of  Virginia, — 
a  region  that  was  a  picturesque  and  important 
theater  of  military  operations  during  the  four  years 
of  strife,  and  that  suffered  as  much  from  the  effects 
of  the  war  as  any  section  of  the  South.  The  trials, 
sufferings,  and  privations  of  the  people  who  re- 
mained at  home  and  were  non-combatants  are 
presented  in  this  chronicle  as  frankly  and  as  truth- 
fully as  possible;  for  the  author  has  tried  to  be 
correct  in  every  statement  that  he  has  made,  and 
just  in  every  opinion  he  has  expressed  and  in  every 
criticism  he  has  advanced. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

Preface     7 

I     The  Institution  of  Slavery       .      .     11 

II     The  John  Brown  Insurrection  and 

Its   Effects 17 

III  Virginia  Secedes.     The  War  Becins     24 

IV  General  Turner  Ash  by   ....     32 

V    An      Interesting      Correspondence. 

Hospitals  in  Our  Villace       .      .     53 

VI     Visit     to     Manassas.     In     Winter 

Quarters 61 

VII  Federal  Invasion  of  the  Shenan- 
doah Valley.  Battle  of  Kerns- 
town.     Stormy  Days       .      .      .      .70 

VIII     Federal    Troops    in    the    Village. 

The  Spirit  of  the  South    ...      78 

IX     The    Southern   Woman.     The    Do- 
mestic Life  of  Our  People     .      .     95 

X     The       Valley       Campaign.     Under 

Fire in 

XI     Within    the    Federal    Lines.     The 

Battle  of  Port  Republic   .      .      .127 

XII     Federal  Officers  in  My  Home   .      .    143 

XIII  Success  of  the  Army  of  Northern 

Virginia 153 

XIV  Events  in  Our  Village  in  the  Sum- 

mer of  '62 165 


CONTENTS 


XV     Stonewall  Jackson  and  the  Mary- 
land Campaign 176 

XVI     Fall  and  Winter  of  1862      .      .      .185 

XVII     Winter  Pleasures  and  Dangers     .    196 

XVIII     Boyish    Sports.     Visit  to  Richmond  206 

XIX  Comparative  Study  of  Some  of  the 
Leaders  of  the  '6o's.  The  Con- 
federate Policy  and  the  Federal  217 

XX  The  Spring  and  Summer  of  1863   .  227 

XXI  The  Gettysburg  Campaign    .      .      .   240 

XXII  The  Fall  and  Winter  of  1863   .      .   254 

XXIII  Rosser's  Ride  Around  Meade's  Army  263 

XXIV  The  Military  Operations  of  1864  .  275 
XXV     Mosby  and  His  Men 288 

XXVI     The  Spring  of  1865 — The  Surrender  301 

XXVII     The  Old  Family  Servant       .      .      .  309 

XXVIII     Rebuilding  the  Waste  Places    .      .314 


THE   VALLEY   CAMPAIGNS 
CHAPTER  I 

THE    INSTITUTION    OF    SLAVERY 

From  Colonial  days  to  the  American  Revolution 
and  from  the  Revolution  to  the  middle  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  the  Southern  States  had  grown  in 
wealth,  population,  and  civic  pride.  A  civiliza- 
tion of  rare  culture  and  refinement  represented  the 
high  spirit  and  virtue  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  in 
the  South.  One  of  the  foundation  stones  upon 
which  this  civilization  rested  was  the  institution 
of  slavery, — an  institution  that  began  with  the 
Colonies  and  was  recognized  by  the  Constitution 
that  was  established  by  the  union  of  the  States 
under  the  Federal  Government. 

To  the  people  of  my  generation  in  the  South 
the  ownership  of  slaves  was  an  inheritance,  rep- 
resenting an  investment  in  dollars  and  cents, — a 
property  interest  as  necessary  and  valuable  to  its 
possessor  as  bonds  and  stocks.  The  slaveowner 
was,  therefore,  no  more  responsible  for  this  char- 
acter of  property,  if  it  came  to  him  through  in- 
heritance, than  for  any  other  form  of  inheritance, 

ii 


12  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

— indeed,  no  more  responsible  than  he  was  for  the 
shape  of  his  head  or  color  of  his  hair.  The  owner- 
ship of  slaves  involved,  as  a  general  rule,  as  little 
discomfort  as  the  ownership  of  domestic  animals; 
and  the  owner  of  slaves  was  consciously  no  more 
unkind  to  these  human  beings  than  he  was  to  his 
horse  and  dog,  which  he  often  valued  with  a  strong 
affection. 

My  childhood  recollection  of  the  negro  slave  is 
associated  with  many  happy  incidents,  and  my  re- 
lations to  him  were  most  cordial  and  affectionate. 
With  the  young  negroes  of  my  age  I  often  played 
and  romped;  I  often  worked  with  them  in  their 
easy  duties  around  my  home,  and  at  all  times 
found  them  companionable  and  respectful.  There 
was  a  courtesy  and  kindness  between  us  which  was 
never  abused.  Negroes  owned  by  the  well-to-do 
and  cultured  classes  of  people  were,  as  a  rule, 
handed  down  by  inheritance  from  parents  to  chil- 
dren through  succeeding  generations;  and  thus, 
through  their  long  line  of  connection  with  these 
old  families,  they  enjoyed  better  training  in  do- 
mestic service  and  were  more  intelligent  and  moral 
than  the  average  negro  of  the  present  time. 

The  good  and  bad  influences  that  surrounded 
the  slave  were  more  fully  illustrated  by  the  char- 
acter of  the  owner  than  by  the  slave's  own  disposi- 
tion. In  his  natural  temperament  the  negro  is 
usually  a  happy,  indolent,  and  frivolous  character. 


THE  INSTITUTION  OF  SLAVERY      13 

fond  of  his  ease,  his  pleasures,  and  his  appetites. 
He  is  easily  influenced  to  do  good  and  as  easily 
led  astray  by  bad  associations.  He  responds 
readily  to  kind  and  generous  treatment,  and  rebels 
with  sullen  and  concealed  passion  against  unkind 
and  harsh  authority,  and  his  resentment  is  often 
expressed  with  violence;  hence  it  was  that  the 
slave  was  alienated  from  his  master,  and  the  mas- 
ter became  unjust  and  unkind  to  his  slave. 

Where  slaves  were  owned  in  large  numbers  by 
one  individual  his  rights  were  often  disregarded. 
He  was  dealt  with  as  a  piece  of  personal  property 
not  much  better  than  the  live  stock  on  the  planta- 
tion. It  was  this  condition  that  brought  odium 
upon  the  institution  of  slavery.  All  human  rights 
were  imperiled  by  a  system  that  regarded  human 
flesh  as  an  article  of  barter  and  trade, — a  system 
that  degraded  the  manhood  and  humanity  of  both 
master  and  slave.  The  people  who  viewed  slav- 
ery from  the  distance,  who  knew  but  little  of  its 
humane  and  civilizing  influences  over  the  negro  as 
a  race,  took  isolated  and  unusual  examples  for  uni- 
versal conditions. 

In  the  violence  of  prejudice  and  emotion,  manu- 
factured by  false  evidence,  the  people  of  the  North 
arraigned  the  slaveowner  as  an  inhuman  tyrant. 
Totally  disregarding  his  property  interests,  his  con- 
stitutional rights,  and  his  just  desire  to  free  slavery 
of  its  worst  forms  of  servitude,  the  remote,  unin- 


14  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

formed  Northerner  held  up  the  slaveowner  before 
the  civilized  world  as  the  enemy  of  a  lowly  and 
servile  race.  No  credit  was  given  him  for  the 
service  he  was  rendering  the  negro  race  through 
the  gradual  influences  of  civilization.  The  world 
forgot  that  the  negro  had  been  introduced  into 
this  country  in  a  semicivilized  or  barbarous  condi- 
tion. Uncultured  and  unskilled,  ignorant  both  of 
human  and  divine  law,  a  victim  of  the  lowest 
forms  of  superstition,  vice,  and  evil  passion,  the 
negro  had,  by  the  institution  of  slavery, — despite 
all  its  bad  features, — been  raised  to  a  plane  of 
usefulness,  of  domestic  service,  and  of  happy  con- 
tentment unknown  to  him  in  his  natural  home. 

The  negro  under  slavery  was  far  from  being  un- 
happy and  discontented.  He  was,  to  the  contrary, 
free  from  care  and  responsibility.  He  was  well 
fed,  well  clothed,  well  cared  for  in  sickness  and 
in  old  age.  His  hardships  were  usually  of  his  own 
making,  brought  on  by  vice  and  intemperance,  or 
by  his  bad  temper  and  unruly  disposition.  He 
had  it  in  his  power  to  win  the  confidence  and  es- 
teem of  his  master  without  absolute  servitude  or 
humiliation  of  spirit.  The  pride  of  the  negro 
under  slavery  was  no  more  debased  than  that  of 
the  child  under  parental  authority.  Children 
have  been  held  in  bondage  by  their  parents,  and 
negroes  have  been  treated  with  cruelty  by  their 
masters,  as  have  prisoners  of  war  and  inmates  of 


THE  INSTITUTION  OF  SLAVERY      15 

penal  institutions.  The  ill-treated  slave,  how- 
ever, was  the  exception  and  not  the  rule  among 
civilized  people.  The  abuses  of  slavery  were 
greatly  exaggerated  by  persons  who  would  not 
see  its  humane  and  civilizing  influences.  Whether 
the  negro  in  this  country  has  been  made  better 
or  worse  by  his  emancipation  time  must  show. 
Had  the  negro  been  left  in  Africa  he  would  have 
been  on  a  level  with  his  race  in  that  country  to- 
day. There,  centuries  of  isolation  have  left  him 
a  barbarian.  Even  under  the  influence  of  civili- 
zation he  has  developed  neither  originality  nor 
constructive  ability.  His  administrative  talents 
are  of  a  very  low  order,  hence  he  has  never  been 
able  to  exercise  authority  with  discretion  or  skill. 
Nature  has  granted  him  one  preeminent  gift.  He 
is  fitted  for  domestic  service,  in  which  field  of  use- 
fulness he  has  become  a  most  efficient  and  faithful 
servant.1 

Now  when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  the  re- 
sponsibility for  the  introduction  of  slavery  into 
this  country  lay  as  much  with  the  people  of  the 
North  as  with  the  people  of  the  South,  and  that 
the  North  had  prospered  as  much  by  the  importa- 
tion and  sale  of  the  negro  to  the  slaveowner  as 

1  The  author  admits  that  the  idea  of  ownership  of  human 
beings  is  opposed  by  the  better  instincts  of  our  humanity.  It 
was  this  sentiment  that  led  to  the  overthrow  of  an  institution 
that  did  much  to  civilize  and  improve  a  race  so  low  in  the  scale 
as  to  be  classed  as  barbarians. 


16  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

the  owner  had  prospered  by  the  negro's  service 
us  a  laborer  in  the  house  and  in  the  held,  it  can 
be  fully  understood  how  resentment  and  passion 
had  been  kindled  in  the  mind  of  the  slaveowning 
class  against  the  antislavery  agitator  in  the  North. 
A  controversy,  beginning  almost  with  the  for- 
mation of  the  Federal  Union,  had  grown  from 
decade  to  decade,  with  increasing  violence.  Sec- 
tion had  been  arrayed  against  section,  until  a 
divided  Union  was  threatened  from  year  to  year. 
It  was  becoming  more  and  more  apparent  that  the 
nation  could  not  exist  half  slave  and  half  free. 
The  question  was  whether  slavery  should  be  abol- 
ished or  the  nation  be  split  asunder.  The  solu- 
tion of  so  grave  a  question  could  be  determined 
in  only  one  way.  When  reason  ceases  to  guide 
the  minds  and  hearts  of  a  people  anarchy  is  the 
result, — anarchy,  in  open  protest  against  un- 
righteous and  dangerous  authority. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE    JOHN    BROWN    INSURRECTION    AND    ITS 
EFFECTS 

My  recollections  of  my  early  school  days  are 
crowded  with  many  incidents  of  historic  interest. 
It  was  when  I  was  about  eleven  years  old  that  the 
John  Brown  Insurrection  at  Harper's  Ferry  took 
place.  As  our  village — Front  Royal — was  less 
than  fifty  miles  distant  from  the  seat  of  the  insur- 
rection our  people  were  thrown  into  a  state  of 
great  excitement.  The  attempt  made  by  John 
Brown  to  arouse  the  negro  and  create  race  an- 
tagonism was  regarded  as  a  cruel,  premeditated 
assault  upon  the  institution  of  slavery, — an  as- 
sault supported  by  an  antislavery  sentiment  in 
the  North.  John  Brown  and  his  few  associates 
were  regarded  as  weak  and  deluded  fanatics, 
harmless  in  themselves,  but  representatives  of  a 
sect  that  would  stop  at  no  act  short  of  govern- 
mental interference.  Their  whole  purpose  was 
regarded  by  our  people  as  the  first  step  in  the 
direction  of  an  armed  assault  upon  slavery,  as  a 
violation  of  Constitutional  rights,  and  a  cruel 
manceuver  to  create  distrust  and  animosity  in  the 
mind  of  the  negro  toward  his  master. 

v 


18  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

The  effect  of  the  John  Brown  Insurrection  is  a 
matter  of  history.  It  is  not  necessary  here  to  re- 
late the  results  that  in  a  few  years  followed  the 
Harper's  Ferry  incident.  I  wish  to  show  in  a 
brief  way  the  influence  it  had  over  the  negroes  of 
our  community  and  over  the  minds  of  our  people. 
I  venture  to  assert  that  the  institution  of  slavery, 
as  it  existed  in  our  section  of  Virginia,  was  based 
upon  as  high  moral  and  ethical  standards  as  were 
possible  in  a  slaveowning  community. 

Our  negro  population  was  about  one-half  as 
large  as  our  white  population.  The  negroes  were 
owned  largely  by  our  wealthiest  and  best  people. 
The  relations  between  master  and  servant  were, 
as  a  rule,  most  friendly  and  cordial.  The  servant 
was  most  obedient  and  respectful  to  his  master 
and  yielded  an  affectionate  and  loyal  obedience, 
simple,  childlike,  and  faithful,  while  the  master's 
regard  for  the  servant  was  kind,  thoughtful,  and 
often  parental.  His  interest  in  the  slave  was  not 
so  much  one  of  property  as  of  guardianship  and 
responsibility.  The  negro  had  come  to  him  by 
inheritance, — had  been  handed  down  from  parent 
to  child  for  some  three  or  four  generations,  and 
there  had  grown  up  around  this  birthright 
a  feeling  of  growing  anxiety  and  concern  for 
the  negro  which  invested  slaveownership  with 
high  moral  considerations  and  conscientious  con- 
victions.    There   was   an   undercurrent   of   anti- 


JOHN  BROWN  INSURRECTION      19 

slavery  sentiment  among  our  slaveowners  that 
would  have  had  a  wide  expression,  if  a  doorway 
could  have  been  opened  for  a  gradual  emancipa- 
tion. The  interests  of  the  slave,  his  equipment 
for  the  right  of  freedom,  his  moral  and  civil  posi- 
tion in  a  slaveowning  community,  all  called  for 
the  most  careful  thought  and  consideration.  It 
seemed  that  neither  the  time  nor  the  conditions 
were  favorable  for  a  general  emancipation,  even 
in  our  community,  and  far  less  so  in  other  com- 
munities, where  the  negro  population  was  large, 
where  the  intelligence  of  the  negro  was  low,  and 
where  large  industrial  interests  were  involved. 
With  these  general  views  our  people  rested  under 
a  deep  sense  of  responsibility;  and  they  felt  that 
it  devolved  upon  them  to  adjust  a  domestic  situa- 
tion and  a  Constitutional  right,  without  coercion 
from  a  section  of  the  country  that  had  no  prac- 
tical experience  with  slavery,  understood  none  of 
the  conditions  involved  in  the  ownership  of  the 
negro,  and  the  people  of  which  were  moved  by 
fanaticism  and  political  interests  in  their  attempts 
to  destroy  the  institution. 

It  was  but  natural  that  a  people  whose  moral 
and  legal  rights  were  assailed,  should  have  been 
aroused  to  a  high  sense  of  indignation  by  the  John 
Brown  Insurrection.  The  effect  was  immediate. 
The  slaveowner  became  resentful  and  grew  deter- 
mined in  his  efforts  to  resist  the  wrongs  that  he 


20  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

felt  were  being  heaped  on  him.  He  resolved  to 
defend  his  Constitutional  rights  with  blood  and 
treasure,  if  necessary.  The  spirit  of  rebellion  and 
of  secession  had  their  origin  in  these  passions  that 
were  kindled  in  every  Southern  heart. 

The  effect  of  the  Brown  Insurrection  upon  the 
negroes  of  our  community  was  but  transient.  A 
few  slaves  were  moved  by  the  hope  of  freedom  to 
become  restless  and  turbulent.  In  a  few  instances 
there  was  a  slight  degree  of  insubordination.  The 
worst  effect,  however,  was  a  feeling  of  distrust 
that  arose  between  master  and  slave,  weakening 
the  warm  attachment  that  had  previously  existed. 
When  the  master  began  to  doubt  the  loyalty  of  his 
slave  and  the  slave  began  to  doubt  the  kindness 
and  confidence  of  his  master  a  mutual  distrust 
began  to  express  itself.  I  can  recall  but  one  or 
two  open  expressions  of  this  distrust,  and  they 
were  of  a  trivial  character.  A  few  of  the  more 
restless  of  the  younger  negroes  showed  a  disposi- 
tion to  leave  their  homes  after  night  and  to  meet 
in  unfrequented  places  where,  not  infrequently, 
they  drank  and  gambled. 

To  break  up  this  growing  habit  of  meeting,  the 
young  white  men  of  our  neighborhood  organized 
a  patrol,  and  at  night  they  visited  different  places 
where  watches  were  kept.  After  the  arrest  of  a 
few  negroes  who  were  away  from  home  without 


JOHN  BROWN  INSURRECTION     21 

permission,  the  negroes  soon  gave  up  their  night 
wanderings  and  remained  at  home. 

The  excitement  growing  out  of  the  John  Brown 
incident  soon  subsided;  but  the  effect  upon  our 
people  was  made  evident  in  other  directions.  In 
our  community  it  was  generally  believed  that 
the  Brown  Insurrection  was  the  beginning  of  more 
serious  political  complications, — that  secession  and 
civil  war  would  soon  be  the  final  solution  of  the 
conditions  that  confronted  the  slaveowning  States. 

The  principal  of  the  school  I  attended  had  re- 
ceived a  military  education,  and  soon  after  the 
John  Brown  affair  he  organized  a  military  com- 
pany made  up  of  the  young  men  of  the  county. 
An  armory  was  secured,  and  arms  and  uniforms 
were  provided  for  the  members.  Regular  drills 
were  held  once  or  twice  a  week  until  the  company 
soon  became  well  organized  and  drilled.  These 
young  men  and  boys  of  sixteen  years  of  age  were 
being  prepared  in  the  lessons  of  school  and  in 
training  for  military  service.  We  will  see  that 
within  a  year  or  two  they  were  enlisted  in  the 
army  of  the  Confederacy  and  not  a  few  of  them 
gave  up  their  lives  in  the  service  of  their  State. 

These  days  at  school  were  exciting  times  for  a 
boy  of  my  age,  though  I  was  too  young  to  realize 
the  signs  of  the  times  and  the  results  that  would 
soon  influence  my  future  life. 


22  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

The  disturbances  growing  out  of  the  John 
Brown  affair  had  scarcely  subsided  before  the  can- 
vass for  the  Presidential  contest  was  begun.  The 
three  political  parties, — Democratic,  Whig,  and 
Republican, — soon  met  in  convention  and  nomi- 
nated their  respective  leaders.  The  Democratic 
party,  split  in  twain,  had  two  sets  of  candidates 
in  the  field, — Breckinridge  and  Lane,  and  Douglas 
and  Johnson, — representing  the  two  factions. 
Bell  and  Everit  were  the  nominees  of  the  Whig 
party,  and  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  were  the  nominees 
of  the  new  Republican  party. 

Since  the  Republican  party  was  the  avowed 
enemy  of  slavery,  it  was  regarded  by  our  people 
with  great  alarm  and  hatred. 

The  political  contest  in  our  section  narrowed 
down  to  the  two  factions, — Breckinridge  and 
Lane,  and  Bell  and  Everit.  My  county  was 
largely  Democratic,  and  the  sentiment  ran  strong 
for  that  ticket.  This  sentiment  in  our  school  was 
shown  by  the  number  of  Democratic  badges  worn 
by  the  boys  and  a  few  of  the  girls.  There  were 
a  few  Whig  badges  worn  by  the  pupils,  one 
Douglas  and  Johnson  badge,  but  there  was  not  a 
single  representative  of  the  Republican  ticket. 

The  excitement  ran  high  until  the  results  of  the 
election  were  made  known.  When  the  election  of 
the  Republican  candidate  was  announced  our  peo- 
ple were  seized  with  anxiety  and  alarm.     It  was 


JOHN  BROWN  INSURRECTION     23 

openly  predicted  that  secession  and  civil  war  were 
inevitable.  The  political  leaders  and  men  of  in- 
fluence in  our  county  at  once  determined  to  pre- 
pare for  the  struggle.  The  military  company, 
previously  referred  to,  began  to  enlist  new  mem- 
bers, to  get  new  uniforms  and  arms,  to  hold  drills 
and  to  make  every  preparation  for  an  active  serv- 
ice when  it  should  be  called  out. 


CHAPTER  III 

VIRGINIA    SECEDES.       THE    WAR    BEGINS 

Several  months  passed  before  Lincoln  and  Ham- 
lin were  inaugurated.  During  that  time  the  po- 
litical feeling  was  intense.  Candidates  were 
brought  out  for  election  to  a  State  convention, 
which  was  to  decide  upon  the  question  of  the  se- 
cession of  Virginia  from  the  Federal  Government. 
South  Carolina  and  other  cotton  States  had  al- 
ready withdrawn  from  the  Union,  and  the  Con- 
federate Government  had  been  organized,  with 
Mr.  Davis  as  President.  The  people  of  Virginia 
hesitated,  deliberating  long  upon  a  line  of  action 
that  would  separate  her  from  the  Union.  My 
county  had  elected  to  the  convention  a  candidate 
who  was  committed  to  secession.  In  the  contest 
between  the  two  candidates  for  and  against  seces- 
sion, the  anti-secession  candidate  received  only  two 
votes, — votes  cast  by  two  of  our  oldest  and  most 
respected  citizens,  men  of  high  intelligence  and  un- 
doubted patriotism,  who  held  that  Virginia  should 
maintain  a  neutral  position  and  endeavor  to  check 
the  extreme  view's  held  by  the  North  and  the 
South. 

This  doctrine  was  soon  found  to  be  imprac- 
24 


VIRGINIA  SECEDES  25 

ticable;  for  when  Mr.  Lincoln  called  upon  the 
States  for  troops  to  suppress  the  States  that  had 
seceded  from  the  Union,  Virginia  cast  her  lot  with 
her  sister  slave  States  and  by  vote  in  conven- 
tion withdrew  from  the  Union.  This  act  at  once 
put  the  State  upon  the  defensive  and  the  Civil 
War  was  inaugurated. 

At  that  time  our  village  had  no  communication 
by  wire  with  the  outside  world  and  the  announce- 
ment of  the  action  of  the  convention  did  not 
reach  our  community  until  early  in  the  morning 
of  the  following  day.  The  message  was  brought 
by  a  locomotive  that  reached  the  village  before 
sunrise.  Well  do  I  remember  the  long  and  plain- 
tive whistle  of  the  engine  as  it  roused  us  from 
slumber,  stirring  alarm  in  every  breast.  Its  ap- 
proach to  the  village  at  this  unusual  hour  was  an 
admonition  of  the  message  it  bore, — a  message 
from  the  Governor  of  Virginia  announcing  the  se- 
cession of  the  State  and  ordering  the  captain  of 
the  military  company  to  assemble  his  men  with 
utmost  rapidity  and  proceed  at  once  to  Harper's 
Ferry.  Messages  were  sent  out  to  the  homes  of 
the  members  of  the  company  to  meet  in  the  vil- 
lage for  immediate  service.  By  ten  o'clock  all  the 
men,  armed  and  in  uniform,  were  ready  to  march 
to  the  seat  of  war.  Wagons,  carriages,  and  other 
vehicles  were  got  together  to  carry  these  boys  to 
the  front  at  Harper's  Ferry,  the  objective  point  of 


26  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

military  operations.  This  place  was  selected  as 
it  was  located  on  the  northern  border  of  the  State 
line  and  contained  a  large  arsenal  and  military 
stores  belonging  to  the  Federal  Government. 

The  assembling  of  the  company,  the  preparation 
for  leaving  home,  and  the  parting  with  friends  and 
loved  ones  made  a  scene  which  can  never  be  for- 
gotten by  those  who  witnessed  it.  Many  of  the 
boys  were  in  high  glee,  for  they  regarded  the  in- 
cident as  a  mere  outing  for  pleasure.  Very  few 
realized  that  some  of  them  were  leaving  home  for 
the  last  time  and  were  entering  upon  a  war  which 
would  try  men's  souls,  bring  infinite  sorrow  to 
their  dear  ones,  and  disaster  on  themselves. 

In  the  company  that  left  our  village  on  the 
morning  of  April  20,  1861,  were  ten  of  my  school- 
mates, ranging  in  age  from  16  to  20  years.  With 
drum  and  fife  to  inspire  them,  they  formed  in 
ranks  and  marched  in  column  to  the  suburbs. 

Our  older  citizens,  especially  those  who  had 
sons  and  relatives  in  the  company,  took  a  more 
gloomy  view  of  the  situation;  but  few  realized 
that  a  war  of  subjugation  was  being  inaugurated 
by  the  Federal  Government,  and  that  the  entire 
South  would  become  the  seat  of  a  civil  war  which 
would  have  few  parallels  in  the  history  of  modern 
times. 

Our  people  were  animated  by  hope,  courage, 
and  patriotism,  and  they  resolved  in  the  beginning 


VIRGINIA  SECEDES  27 

of  the  struggle  to  expend  every  resource  in  the 
defense  of  their  institutions  and  liberties.  There 
was  no  hesitation  in  this  resolution.  They  rose 
en  masse  to  meet  a  situation  that  confronted  them, 
and,  fired  with  zeal,  they  willingly  submitted  their 
cause  to  the  God  of  battle. 

These  were  exciting  times  that  tested  to  the  ut- 
most the  spirit  of  heroism  and  fortitude.  No  peo- 
ple ever  entered  upon  a  civil  war  with  greater  con- 
fidence. It  was  believed  that  it  would  be  a  war 
of  invasion  and  of  attempted  subjugation,  that 
every  resource  of  the  Federal  Government  would 
be  used  to  destroy  the  institution  of  slavery,  and 
to  force  the  seceding  States  back  into  the  Union. 
Our  people  fully  realized  they  were  outnumbered 
as  to  men  and  greatly  overbalanced  as  to  resources, 
but  they  relied  upon  the  justice  of  their  cause  and 
upon  the  courage  and  patriotism  of  the  entire 
South  to  make  up  for  the  odds  against  them. 

As  Virginia  was  a  border  State  between  the 
North  and  the  South  it  was  evident  that  her  terri- 
tory would  become  the  first  seat  of  military  opera- 
tions and  that  the  lines  of  attack  and  defense 
would  be  drawn  along  her  northern  borders. 
Troops  were  therefore  sent  to  the  front  as  soon 
as  they  could  be  mustered  in.  The  Governor  of 
Virginia,  acting  under  the  authority  and  will  of 
the  people,  called  all  the  volunteer  militia  into 
active  service  and  at  once  made  a  call  upon  the 


28         THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

citizens  of  the  State  for  new  volunteers.  All  the 
able-bodied  men  in  the  State  between  the  ages 
of  18  and  45  years  were  asked  to  enlist  in  service. 

In  my  county  an  infantry  company  and  one 
cavalry  were  raised  within  a  few  months  and  were 
enrolled  into  service.  Volunteers  poured  in  in 
large  numbers  and  the  two  companies  were  or- 
ganized, officered,  and  equipped  with  uniforms 
and  arms.  These  two  companies  went  into  camp 
near  the  village,  where  they  were  drilled  and  dis- 
ciplined under  strict  military  regulations.  As 
many  of  these  men  were  unable  to  furnish  their 
own  horses  and  uniforms  the  county  authorities 
authorized  an  appropriation  from  the  Treasury  of 
sufficient  money  to  feed  and  clothe  these  volun- 
teers. The  gray  cloth  suitable  for  uniforms  was 
not  to  be  had  in  our  county.  My  father  was 
selected  as  the  chairman  of  a  committee  to  pur- 
chase this  material.  To  this  end  he  visited  a 
large  woolen  mill  located  near  Winchester  and 
took  me  with  him.  He  purchased  many  yards  of 
gray  cloth  and  gave  orders  for  the  early  delivery 
of  more. 

My  father  and  I  returned  home.  Tailors  were 
employed  to  cut  out  the  gray  cloth  for  the  uni- 
forms of  the  two  companies, — which  were,  how- 
ever, all  made  by  the  women  and  girls  of  our  vil- 
lage, aided  by  some  negro  women  who  were 
trained  to  do  needlework, — and  in  a  few  days  the 
two  companies  appeared  in  their  military  outfit. 


VIRGINIA  SECEDES  29 

The  infantry  company  was  sent  to  join  the  army 
at  Manassas,  where  it  soon  performed  gallant 
service  in  the  first  great  battle  of  the  war.  In  this 
fight  four  of  its  members  were  killed  and  some 
eight  or  ten  wounded.  I  shall  never  forget  the 
sorrow  of  our  people  when  the  death  of  these  four 
men  was  announced.  It  was  the  first  blood 
lost  in  battle,  and  brought  home  the  solemn  real- 
ization of  what  war  meant. 

As  to  the  company  of  cavalry,  the  members 
were,  at  least,  all  trained  horsemen  and  owned  the 
best  of  mounts.  Many  of  these  horses  had  been 
used  in  tournaments, — a  species  of  sport  that  was 
very  popular  with  the  youth  of  the  '6o's, — or  had 
followed  the  hounds,  as  was  natural  in  a  country 
where  the  fox  was  found  in  large  numbers  in  the 
mountain  recesses  and  caverns.  Their  training 
had  therefore  fitted  them  for  cavalry  service. 
This  fact  gave  a  great  advantage  to  the  Confeder- 
ate cavalry  service  during  the  first  two  years  of 
the  war,  and  while  the  men  of  our  cavalry  com- 
pany were  well  uniformed,  their  equipment  in 
other  respects  was  extremely  defective.  All  rode 
the  Shafter  saddle  with  iron  stirrup,  carried  their 
clothing  in  old-fashioned  saddlebags  or  rolled  in 
bundles  strapped  in  front  or  behind  as  best  they 
could,  and  were  armed  with  old-fashioned  single- 
barreled  or  double-barreled  shotguns  or  with 
squirrel    rifles.     I    doubt   whether   there    were    a 


30  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

dozen  revolvers  and  cavalry  sabers  in  the  entire 
command,  and  such  as  there  were  were  impossible. 
For  example,  a  cousin  of  mine,  a  boy  of  seventeen, 
who  was  a  member  of  this  company,  had  an  old 
single-barreled  duelling  pistol,  which  went  off  with 
a  loud  explosion,  but  could  not  carry  a  bullet 
thirty  paces  nor  hit  a  barn  door  at  the  same  dis- 
tance. I  looked  on  with  admiration  when  I  first 
saw  him  riding  a  spirited  gray  horse,  shooting  off 
his  old  pistol  in  order  to  accustom  his  horse  to 
stand  under  fire.  But  the  old  pistol  made  such  a 
loud  noise  that  his  horse  bolted  and  ran  as  if  his 
life  were  in  danger.  My  cousin  did  not  venture 
to  fire  the  weapon  again,  and  I  presume  that  he 
soon  consigned  it  to  a  junk  pile,  where  it  belonged; 
for  it  was  more  dangerous  to  its  owner  and  his 
horse  than  it  could  possibly  have  been  to  the 
enemy,  who  might  only  have  been  alarmed  per- 
haps by  the  loud  report  that  it  made. 

In  spite  of  the  character  of  the  arms  that  our 
men  had  to  use  in  the  first  year  of  the  war, — and 
in  the  first  engagements  they  were  at  a  great  dis- 
advantage as  to  weapons,  though  their  better 
horsemanship  and  dash  made  up  for  some  of  these 
defects, — it  was  not  many  months  before  the  Con- 
federate cavalry,  by  capture  from  the  enemy,  was 
fully  mounted  and  equipped  with  a  complete  mili- 
tary outfit, — using  McClellan  saddles,  and  armed 
with  revolvers,  carbines,  and  sabers  manufactured 


VIRGINIA  SECEDES  31 

by  the  Federal  Government.  This  mode  of  equip- 
ment applied  not  only  to  the  cavalry  but,  in  a 
measure,  to  every  branch  of  service.  It  is  a  matter 
of  fact  that  the  Federal  Government  supplied 
arms,  ammunition,  and  military  outfit  not  only  to 
its  own  troops  but  also  very  largely  to  the  armies 
of  the  Confederacy.  As  fast  as  captures  were 
made  the  better  outfit  was  substituted  for  the 
makeshift  of  the  first  days  of  the  War,  and,  but 
for  such  success  in  acquiring  arms,  the  armies  of 
the  Confederacy  would  have  yielded  much  sooner 
to  the  forces  against  them. 


CHAPTER  IV 

GENERAL    TURNER    ASHBY 

Although  a  boy  of  but  twelve  years  of  age  at 
the  time  of  my  trip  with  my  father  to  Winchester, 
I  vividly  recall  an  incident  that  occurred  on  that 
occasion.  Among  the  officers  and  soldiers  await- 
ing orders  who  filled  Taylor's  Hotel,  where  we 
were  entertained,  my  father  recognized  Colonel 
Turner  Ashby,  whom  he  knew  well.  I  shall  never 
forget  the  impression  I  there  received  of  that 
daring  and  variously  estimated  military  hero. 

Colonel  Ashby  had  just  dismounted  from  a 
magnificent  white  horse, — a  noble  animal,  sub- 
sequently well  known  to  the  people  of  the  Valley 
by  his  courageous  death, — and  was  standing  on 
the  pavement  in  front  of  the  hotel,  holding  the 
bridle  rein.  The  horse  was  steaming  with  per- 
spiration from  his  long  travel  that  morning,  but 
he  stood,  champing  his  bit,  with  head  erect,  and 
eyes  full  of  spirit  and  fire,  while  his  master,  calm 
and  erect,  seemed  absorbed  in  thought.  My 
father  went  up  to  the  Colonel,  greeted  him  cordi- 
ally and  introduced  me.  He  took  my  hand  gently 
and  spoke  to  me  most  kindly. 

At  this  time  Colonel  Ashby  had  but  recently 
32 


GENERAL  TURNER  ASHBY         33 

been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Colonel,  which  pro- 
motion gave  him  command  of  all  the  cavalry  com- 
panies assembled  in  the  Valley.  He  was  just  en- 
tering upon  a  career  that  soon  made  him  an  heroic 
character  in  the  history  of  the  Civil  War. 
Dressed  now  in  Confederate  gray,  with  gilt  lace 
on  his  sleeves  and  collar,  wearing  high  top-boots 
with  spurs  and  a  broad-brimmed  black  felt  hat 
with  a  long  black  feather  streaming  behind,  his 
appearance  was  striking  and  attractive.  He  stood 
about  five  feet  eight  inches  in  height  and  probably 
weighed  from  150  to  160  pounds.  He  was  mus- 
cular and  wiry,  rather  thin  than  robust  or  rugged. 
His  hair  and  beard  were  as  black  as  a  raven's 
wing;  his  eyes  were  soft  and  mahogany  brown;  a 
long,  sweeping  mustache  concealed  his  mouth,  and 
a  heavy  and  long  beard  completely  covered  his 
breast.  His  complexion  was  dark  in  keeping  with 
his  other  colorings.  Altogether,  he  resembled  the 
pictures  I  have  seen  of  the  early  Crusaders, — a 
type  unusual  among  the  many  men  in  the  army, 
a  type  so  distinctive  that,  once  observed,  it  cannot 
soon  be  forgotten. 

I  remember  that  during  the  interview  he  re- 
marked that  he  had  ridden  that  morning  on  horse- 
back between  30  and  40  miles,  visiting  outposts 
and  camps  of  different  companies  under  his  com- 
mand. Despite  that  fact,  he  showed  no  evidence 
of  fatigue,  nor  did  the  gallant  horse  that  bore  him ! 


34  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

I  afterward  learned  that  it  was  no  uncommon  cir- 
cumstance for  him  to  ride  70  to  80  miles  a  day, 
using  two  mounts.  His  horses  were  the  best  t© 
be  had,  and  they  were  cared  for  with  a  most 
loving  affection  by  their  master.  While  on  that 
visit  to  Winchester  I  heard  also  for  the  first  time 
the  name  of  Colonel  Jackson,  then  in  charge  of 
the  Virginia  troops  at  Harper's  Ferry.  He  was 
known  at  that  time  only  as  an  eccentric  professor 
who  knew  little  of  warfare  beyond  the  drilling 
and  disciplining  of  soldiers.  Colonel  Jackson  was 
soon  promoted  to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general 
and  given  the  command  of  the  brigade  that  sub- 
sequently became  celebrated  as  the  Stonewall 
Brigade,^so  named  because  of  the  title  its  com- 
mander won  at  the  battle  of  Manassas,  July  21, 
1861. 

Turner  Ashby,  the  third  child  of  Colonel  Turner 
Ashby  and  Dorothea  Green,  was  born  on  October 
23,  1828,  at  Rose  Bank,  a  picturesque  home  across 
Goose  Creek,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards 
from  Markham  Station,  Fauquier  County,  Vir- 
ginia. He  was  the  fourth  in  line  of  descent  from 
Captain  Thomas  Ashby  who  moved  from  Ty de- 
water,  Virginia,  and  settled  at  the  foot  of  Ashby's 
Gap,  Fauquier  County,  about  1710. 

Four  generations  of  Turner  Ashby's  family  had 
served  in  our  country's  wars, — the  Colonial  Wars, 
the  War  of  the  Revolution,  and  the  War  of  1812. 


GENERAL  TURNER  ASHBY         35 

There  was  a  strong  military  bias  in  the  Ashby 
family  and  this,  no  doubt,  had  much  to  do  with 
the  military  spirit  that  was  so  firmly  implanted  in 
Turner  Ashby's  nature. 

While  not  trained  to  military  service  he  early 
developed  a  love  for  the  soldier's  life,  and  while 
quite  a  young  man  he  organized  one  of  the  best 
cavalry  companies  in  the  State  of  Virginia.  He 
was  selected  as  the  captain  of  this  company  and 
gave  it  an  efficiency  that  gained  for  it  a  wide  dis- 
tinction before  it  was  called  into  active  service  in 
the  Civil  War. 

The  country  around  Markham  is  one  of  great 
natural  beauty,  of  fertility,  and  healthfulness. 
The  foothills  of  the  Blue  Ridge  surround  Mark- 
ham  on  all  sides,  dividing  the  landscape  into  val- 
leys and  elevated  plateaus,  covered  with  forests, 
grazing  fields,  and  rich  farm  lands. 

The  old  and  distinguished  Colonial  families 
early  moved  up  to  this  section  and  founded  a  com- 
munity of  rare  intelligence,  refinement,  and  good 
breeding.  There  were  before  the  war  few  sections 
of  Virginia  which  could  show  such  a  citizenship  of 
culture  and  independence  as  was  found  around 
Markham. 

It  was  among  these  people  that  Turner  Ashby 
was  born  and  raised.  It  was  in  this  pure  atmos- 
phere of  comfort  and  refinement  that  he  developed 
those  characteristics  of  courtesv,   manliness   and 


36  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

courage  which  were  so  fully  exemplified  in  his 
after  life. 

As  a  young  man  he  was  noted  for  his  gentleness, 
modesty  and  love  of  outdoor  sport.  He  had  great 
love  for  the  horse  and  the  hound.  In  the  wild 
chase  for  the  fox  over  field  and  fence  and  in  his 
fondness  for  the  tournament  he  was  noted  for 
being  one  of  the  most  graceful  and  skillful  riders 
in  the  South.  As  he  grew  to  manhood  he  became 
famous  as  the  most  successful  tournament  rider  in 
Virginia  and  when  he  appeared  in  the  list  the 
spirit  of  chivalry  was  never  more  beautifully  illus- 
trated than  in  the  Knight  of  the  Black  Prince, 
which  character  he  usually  assumed. 

When  the  John  Brown  Raid  occurred,  in  the  fall 
of  1859,  Turner  Ashby,  with  his  company  of 
cavalry,  was  among  the  first  volunteer  troops  to 
arrive  on  the  scene,  and  it  was  on  this  occasion 
that  he  first  demonstrated  his  military  daring  and 
skill. 

He  remained  on  duty  at  Charlestown  with  his 
company  until  after  the  execution  of  John  Brown. 
It  was  on  this  service  that  he  made  the  ac- 
quaintance of  Lee,  Jackson,  and  Stuart,  whom  he 
followed  in  the  war  between  the  States,  and  it 
was  here,  too,  that  he  laid  the  foundation  for  that 
relationship  with  Stonewall  Jackson  that  lasted 
until  his  death. 

The  day  after  Virginia  seceded  from  the  Union 


GENERAL  TURNER  ASHBY        $f 

Turner  Ashby  marched  to  Harper's  Ferry  with  his 
company,  which  was  one  of  the  first  volunteer  com- 
panies to  reach  that  place.  He  was  assigned  at 
once  to  outpost  duty  along  the  Potomac,  and  took- 
command  of  the  bridge  across  the  river  at  Point 
of  Rocks.  Here  he  assembled  a  battery  of  ar- 
tillery,— under  Captain  Imboden, — and  a  number 
of  infantry  and  cavalry,  with  which  he  successfully 
guarded  the  border  line  of  the  State  until  Harper's 
Ferry  was  evacuated. 

Within  less  than  sixty  days  he  had  developed 
such  a  keen  insight  into  military  affairs  that,  upon 
the  recommendation  of  Colonel  Angus  McDonald, 
he  was  appointed  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the 
Seventh  Virginia  Cavalry,  then  commanded  by 
McDonald.  His  entire  active  military  life  was 
associated  with  this  regiment,  which  contained  the 
flower  of  the  best  blood  of  the  northern  counties 
of  Virginia  and  of  Maryland. 

Soon  after  his  assignment  to  the  Seventh  Vir- 
ginia he  was  ordered  with  his  regiment  to  do  duty 
in  Hampshire  County  and  along  the  line  of  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  between  Harper's 
Ferry  and  Cumberland.  Upon  his  promotion  to 
the  lieutenant-colonelcy  his  brother  Richard 
Ashby  was  made  captain  of  his  old  company. 

Dick  Ashby,  as  he  was  affectionately  called,  was 
three  years  younger  than  Turner.  For  several 
years  he  had  lived  in  the  then  far  West,  where  he 


38  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

had  had  numerous  adventures  with  the  Indians  and 
with  the  rough  civilization  of  that  unexplored 
country;  but  had  returned  to  his  old  home  just 
before  Virginia  seceded.  Dick  was  a  larger  and 
handsomer  man  than  Turner,  full  of  fire  and  dar- 
ing and  cheerfulness  of  spirit,  and  was  also  more 
demonstrative  and  showy  in  social  life.  In  June, 
1861,  he  was  sent  with  a  small  squad  of  his  com- 
pany to  arrest  some  Union  men  who  were  giving 
trouble  as  informers.  On  this  expedition  he  ran 
into  a  company  of  Federal  cavalry  on  the  Balti- 
more and  Ohio  Railroad,  near  Hancock,  Mary- 
land. Being  largely  outnumbered,  he  was  forced 
to  retire  along  the  track  of  the  railroad.  He  was 
riding  an  indifferent  horse  that  fell  in  attempting 
to  jump  a  cattle-stop.  Dick,  being  dismounted, 
took  refuge  in  the  stop,  where,  refusing  to  sur- 
render, he  fought  single  handed  and  alone.  He 
was  soon  desperately  wounded  and  left  for  dead. 
Among  other  wounds  he  had  received  a  bayonet 
stab  in  the  abdomen,  which  caused  his  death  some 
eight  days  later  near  Romney,  to  which  place  he 
had  been  taken  by  his  brother  Turner,  who  had 
come  to  his  rescue  and  had  found  him  lying  by  the 
side  of  the  railroad  in  an  exhausted  condition. 

The  death  of  Dick  was  a  great  sorrow  to  Turner, 
for  the  two  brothers  were  devotedly  attached  to 
each  other.  Turner  became  another  man  after 
Dick's  death.     His  life  was  consecrated  to  the 


GENERAL  TURNER  ASHBY         39 

cause  of  the  South,  and  he  dared  and  risked  all  in 
the  service  of  his  country. 

Colonel  McDonald  was  advanced  in  years  and 
in  feeble  health.  He  soon  resigned  the  command 
of  the  Seventh  Virginia  Cavalry  to  Turner  Ashby, 
who  became  its  leading  spirit.  He  was  soon 
placed  in  charge  of  all  the  cavalry  under  Stonewall 
Jackson,  and  until  the  close  of  his  earthly  career 
was  Jackson's  right  hand. 

The  popularity  of  the  cavalry  service  attracted 
the  young  riders  of  the  Valley  counties  to  that 
branch  of  the  service,  and  before  the  close  of  a 
year  there  were  26  companies  in  the  Seventh  Vir- 
ginia, under  the  command  of  Turner  Ashby.  The 
large  additions  to  the  regiment  made  the  work  of 
organization  and  discipline  exceedingly  difficult 
and  were  embarrassing  to  the  efficiency  of  the  serv- 
ice, which  kept  the  cavalry  in  constant  motion  and 
in  almost  daily  contact  with  the  enemy.  These 
companies  were  often  widely  separated,  so  that  a 
compact  regimental  organization  was  impossible; 
in  fact,  at  no  time  during  the  campaign  of  1862 
were  all  these  companies  united  for  a  combined 
attack  upon  the  Federals. 

During  the  fall  and  early  winter  months  of 
1861  Turner  Ashby  was  on  the  go  day  and  night, 
covering  a  wide  territory  that  extended  from  the 
Shenandoah  at  Harper's  Ferry  along  the  Baltimore 
and   Ohio  Railroad   and   Chesapeake   and   Ohio 


40  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

Canal  as  far  west  as  Cumberland,  Md.  He  and 
his  detached  companies  were  busy  destroying  the 
railroad  and  the  dams  of  the  canal  along  the  Poto- 
mac between  Cumberland  and  Point  of  Rocks. 

The  activity  and  physical  endurance  of  Ashby 
were  fireside  talks  in  his  camps.  His  restless  and 
energetic  spirit  allowed  no  time  for  repose  and  no 
doubt,  contributed  in  a  measure  to  the  want  of 
organization  and  discipline  of  the  companies  com- 
ing to  his  command;  for  Turner  Ashby  was  not 
a  strict  disciplinarian  by  nature.  He  was  a  leader, 
and  he  relied  on  his  men  to  follow  him.  The 
necessities  of  the  situation,  the  surroundings, 
and  the  character  of  the  men  who  made  up 
his  command  made  an  efficient  organization 
an  almost  impossible  task;  for  at  that  time  of 
the  war  the  cavalry  service  was  poorly  equipped 
with  military  saddles  and  the  comforts  of  the 
camp,  was  armed  with  double-barrel  shot  guns  and 
old  pistols  and  rifles,  and  many  of  the  men  were 
without  sabers  or  had  those  of  a  very  indifferent 
kind.  In  good  horsemanship  these  men  excelled, 
and  this  fact  added  to  the  dash  and  fury  of  the 
charge,  the  vigorous  assault  and  worry  of  the 
enemy,  unprepared  for  the  cavalry  methods  of 
warfare,  gave  them  a  decided  advantage. 

Turner  Ashby  was  probably  the  first  officer  in 
the  army  to  use  both  cavalry  and  artillery  on  the 
advance  and  in  the  retreat  against  infantry.     His 


GENERAL  TURNER  ASHBY         41 

tactics  and  strategy  were  so  unorthodox  that  he 
confused  his  opponents  and  held  them  in  check  by 
their  ignorance  of  his  strength  and  purpose. 

In  the  summer  of  1861  Ashby  added  to  his  com- 
mand a  battery  of  horse  artillery,  commanded  by 
Captain  R.  P.  Chew,  a  young  graduate  of  the  Vir- 
ginia Military  Institute. 

This  battery  was  in  almost  daily  service  and  was 
most  efficient  both  in  attack  and  in  defense.  It 
undertook  to  fight  infantry  or  cavalry,  was  on  the 
firing  line  at  one  moment,  then  would  suddenly 
change  position  to  another  hill  and  resume  work, 
with  vigor  and  daring.  Ashby  and  his  cavalry 
operated  entirely  in  the  northern  counties  of  Vir- 
ginia until  Jackson  evacuated  Winchester,  March 
12,  1862.  When  Jackson  retired  south  of  Stras- 
burg  General  Shields  entered  Winchester  and 
pushed  forward  to  Strasburg.  Shields  had  in  his 
command  11,000  men  and  27  guns,  while  Jack- 
son had  not  more  than  4,500,  including  infantry, 
cavalry,  and  artillery. 

At  this  time  Banks  had  under  his  command,  in- 
cluding Shields'  division,  some  40,000  men  oper- 
ating in  the  counties  of  Berkley,  Jefferson,  Clarke, 
and  Frederick.  The  division  under  Sedgwick  had 
been  sent  to  join  McClellan  in  front  of  Richmond, 
and  the  division  under  Williams  had  begun  its 
march  toward  Manassas,  March  20,  1862. 

It  was  necessary  for  Jackson  to  make  an  advance 


42  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

on  Shields,  who  had  now  withdrawn  from  Stras- 
burg  to  Winchester.  The  object  of  this  movement 
was  to  force  the  recall  of  the  Federal  troops  to  the 
Valley  and  prevent  their  union  with  McClellan. 
The  strategy  of  Jackson  worked  well ;  for  as  soon 
as  he  had  advanced  as  far  north  as  Kernstown  the 
division  under  Williams  returned  to  the  Valley  to 
protect  Shields  and  to  make  impossible  an  inva- 
sion of  Maryland  by  way  of  the  Valley. 

On  March  22,  1862,  Ashby,  with  280  cavalry 
and  3  horse  artillery  guns,  struck  the  pickets  of 
Shields  one  mile  south  of  Winchester.  A  skirmish 
took  place,  in  which  Shields  was  wounded  with  a 
shell.  Jackson  hurried  his  command  from  Wood- 
stock, and  on  the  23d  arrived  at  Kernstown,  five 
miles  south  of  Winchester.  A  general  engage- 
ment was  brought  on  and  the  battle  of  Kernstown 
was  bitterly  fought.  Jackson,  whose  force  was 
largely  outnumbered  by  that  of  Shields,  was  com- 
pelled to  withdraw  in  the  late  afternoon. 

In  the  battle  of  Kernstown  Turner  Ashby, — 
with  less  than  half  of  his  command  together  with 
Chew's  battery, — won  his  first  laurels,  protecting 
Jackson's  right  wing  with  such  courage  and  ob- 
stinacy that  he  saved  the  infantry  on  the  left  from 
rout,  and  enabled  them  to  retire  in  order  from 
the  field. 

Colonel  Chew,  who  commanded  the  artillery, 
speaking  of  Turner  Ashby,  says :     C'I  have  always 


GENERAL  TURNER  ASHBY         43 

believed  his  audacity  saved  General  Jackson's 
army  from  total  destruction  at  the  battle  of  Kerns- 
town.  Ashby  boldly  moved  forward  with  his 
command,  consisting  of  a  few  companies  of  cavalry 
and  my  three  guns,  and  protecting  his  men  from 
observation  by  woods  and  ravines,  opened  on  them 
with  artillery,  and  withstood  the  fire  of  the  ene- 
my's artillery,  sometimes  as  many  as  three  or  four 
batteries.  When  the  enemy  moved  forward  he 
dashed  upon  them  with  his  cavalry.  Had  the 
enemy  known  our  strength,  or  had  he  not  been 
deceived  by  the  audacity  of  the  movement,  they 
could  have  swept  forward  upon  the  turnpike, 
turned  Jackson's  right  flank,  and  cut  off  his  re- 
treat by  way  of  the  turnpike.  They,  however, 
made  little  effort  to  advance  and  we  remained  in 
our  position  until  Jackson  retired  to  Newtown." 

After  the  battle  of  Kernstown  Jackson  retired 
slowly  up  the  Valley.  He  had  accomplished  a 
brilliant  strategic  movement  in  forcing  the  Fed- 
erals to  concentrate  their  forces  in  the  Valley. 
During  this  retreat, — a  retreat  that  has  become 
famous  in  the  history  of  the  Valley  campaigns, — 
Jackson's  rear  was  ably  protected  by  Ashby's  cav- 
alry and  Chew's  guns;  and  no  commander  en- 
joyed greater  distinction  than  did  Turner  Ashby. 

The  subsequent  operations  of  Ashby  and  his 
cavalry  were  confined  to  the  Valley  and  ended 


44  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

with  his  death  on  June  6th,  1862.  In  the  great 
work  that  Jackson  did  in  defeating  Milroy  at  Mc- 
Dowell and  Banks  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley 
Turner  Ashby  ably  seconded  his  chief  and  shares 
with  him  the  great  distinction  that  that  campaign 
brought  to  Jackson  and  his  men. 

The  last  time  I  saw  Turner  Ashby  was  the  morn- 
ing following  the  battle  of  Front  Royal,  May  23, 
1862.  My  father  and  I  were  riding  over  the  bat- 
tlefield of  the  evening  before,  and  as  we  were  re- 
turning in  the  direction  of  home  we  met  him  riding 
in  the  direction  of  Winchester,  and  passed  him  on 
the  road.  He  was  mounted  on  a  handsome  black 
stallion  and  was  going  at  a  brisk  pace,  pressing 
forward  to  join  his  command.  He  made  a  hur- 
ried salute  and  rode  on.  He  had  been  to  the  vil- 
lage to  pay  the  last  tribute  of  respect  to  Captain 
Sheetz  and  Captain  Fletcher,  two  gallant  officers 
of  his  command,  who  had  been  killed  the  evening 
before  in  an  engagement  at  Buckton. 

Two  weeks  later  Turner  Ashby  fell,  leading  the 
Fifty-eighth  Virginia  Infantry,  in  a  small  engage- 
ment near  Harrisonburg.  He  had  that  morning 
routed  and  captured  Sir  Percy  Wyndham,  a 
boastful  Englishman,  colonel  of  the  First  New 
Jersey  Cavalry,  who  had  planned  to  capture  Ashby 
and  who  wound  up  by  being  a  prisoner  in  Ashby's 
hands.  The  day  was  perhaps  the  most  brilliant 
in  his  life  and  he  had  found  great  satisfaction  in 


GENERAL  TURNER  ASHBY         45 

capturing  the  boasting  Englishman.  In  the  even- 
ing of  the  same  day,  having  undertaken  to  lead  the 
infantry  in  the  charge  on  the  Pennsylvania  Buck 
Tails, — a  regiment  of  some  distinction, — he  ad- 
vanced in  front  of  his  men,  and  fell  dead  from  a 
wound  in  his  heart. 

A  great  deal  has  been  written  in  prose  and  verse 
about  Turner  Ashby.  One  of  his  biographers 
(Avirett)  has  eulogized  his  memory;  another 
(Thomas)  has  described  him  as  the  "Centaur  of 
the  South."  His  deeds  and  his  virtues  have  been 
extolled  beyond  measure.  Could  he  come  back 
to  this  earth  and  read  what  has  been  written  about 
him,  his  modesty  would  be  shocked  and  his  pride 
would  be  wounded. 

That  his  career  was  phenomenal  is  true.  In 
less  than  fourteen  months  he  had  been  promoted 
from  the  position  of  captain  of  a  small  volunteer 
company  of  cavalry  to  the  rank  of  brigadier-gen- 
eral. He  had  won  his  promotion  by  untiring  en- 
ergy, courage,  and  devotion  to  duty.  He  pos- 
sessed many  of  the  qualities  of  the  soldier: 
Courage,  energy,  coolness,  and  resourcefulness. 
His  judgment  was  clear  and  his  character  was 
forceful.  If  his  past  was  an  indication  of  his 
future,  greater  honors  and  distinctions  awaited 
him.  In  so  short  and  active  a  career  no  man 
could  have  made  better  use  of  his  opportunities. 
Without  military  training,  he  soon  grasped  the 


46  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

essential  principles  of  military  operations  and 
played  the  drama  of  war  with  the  skill,  delicacy 
of  movement,  and  inspiration  of  the  born  soldier. 

At  the  age  of  32  he  was  leading  the  quiet  life 
ot  the  country  gentleman  in  an  atmosphere  of 
refinement  and  quiet  repose.  With  his  horses  and 
hounds  and  the  social  life  of  the  farm,  he  had  easy 
duties  and  no  great  responsibilities.  At  the  age 
of  33  he  was  in  command  of  large  bodies  of  men, 
in  daily  excitement  and  anxiety,  intensely  im- 
pressed with  a  sense  of  duty  to  his  country,  mov- 
ing rapidly  from  place  to  place  with  restless  en- 
ergy, and  at  all  times  striving  to  measure  up  to  the 
requirements  of  his  position.  During  this  one 
year  he  aged  rapidly,  changing  from  the  simple  life 
of  the  young  civilian  to  the  larger  sphere  of  the 
hardened  soldier.  When  death  came  to  him  he 
was  in  the  prime  of  life,  surrounded  by  a  halo  of 
glory.  The  cause  of  his  country  was  prospering, 
and  he  escaped  that  sorrow  and  humiliation  of 
spirit  that  came  later  to  many  of  his  comrades. 

In  giving  this  brief  sketch  of  the  life  of  Turner 
Ashby  and  of  his  brother  Dick,  I  may  say  a  few 
words  in  regard  to  the  personality  of  these  two 
men,  so  unlike  in  many  respects,  yet  so  blended 
in  spirit,  motive,  and  in  ties  of  affection  that  they 
were  one  in  action  and  in  devotion  to  the  cause 
for  which  they  gave  up  their  lives. 

As  a  man  Turner  was  as  modest  as  a  woman; 


GENERAL  TURNER  ASHBY         47 

the  soul  of  honor,  courage,  and  manliness,  while 
his  ideals  were  high  and  his  devotion  to  the  South 
gave  full  play  to  all  his  emotions  and  sentiments. 
It  was  these  qualities  that  gave  to  his  character 
a  type  of  heroism  that  has  brought  more  distinc- 
tion to  his  name  and  greater  satisfaction  to  his 
family  than  his  military  record.  He  was  at  all 
times  a  gentleman,  a  loyal  friend  and  an  affection- 
ate relative;  gentle  in  manner  and  thought,  ret- 
icent in  speech.  While  always  genial  and  com- 
panionable, he  was  a  man  of  few  words,  free  from 
gossip  and  anecdote,  and  a  good  listener  rather 
than  a  fluent  talker.  Whether  in  the  social  life  of 
camp,  on  the  march  or  on  the  firing  line,  he  never 
harangued  or  gave  utterance  to  wordy  exclama- 
tions. His  mind  was  intent,  rather  serious,  and 
filled  with  a  keen  sense  of  responsibility.  He  led 
the  charge  with  the  wave  of  his  hat  or  of  his  sword 
and  the  clarion  cry:  "Come  on,  boys.  Give  it 
to  them !"  giving  this  command  or  that  as  the  situ- 
ation presented  itself.  He  directed  by  action 
rather  than  by  command ;  losing  sight,  in  a  manner, 
of  the  higher  functions  of  the  commander  of  men 
by  means  of  written  instructions  and  explicit  de- 
tails, he  was  carried  away  by  his  own  spirit  of 
dare  and  do,  and  relied  upon  his  men  to  follow 
him  instead  of  forcing  them  into  action.  With 
this  heedlessness  of  danger  and  with  the  eager 
desire  to  do  personal  service  as  an  actual  com- 


48  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

batant,  he  exposed  himself  to  many  unnecessary 
risks  and  failed  at  times  to  get  the  most  efficient 
service  from  his  men. 

His  personal  achievements  were  phenomenal 
and  perhaps  attracted  more  attention  than  did  the 
work  of  his  command.  He  was  always  in  the 
front;  and  in  the  charge  or  in  the  fray  he  was 
alive  with  fire  and  energy.  He  used  his  pistol 
and  sword  with  vigorous  effect,  and  often  he  did 
the  fighting  he  should  have  required  of  his  sub- 
ordinates. His  love  of  adventure  and  of  horse- 
back exercise  led  him  to  go  by  himself  on  long 
and  hazardous  scouting  rides,  and  he  also  often 
made  his  rounds  of  inspection  alone. 

Ashby's  horses  were  as  well  known  in  the  army 
as  the  man  who  rode  them.  A  coal  black  stallion 
and  a  pure  white  one  were  his  usual  mounts. 
These  two  noble  animals  entered  into  the  spirit 
and  excitement  of  their  master's  life  with  all  the 
energy  and  fire  of  their  rider.  They  swiftly  and 
safely  bore  him  from  place  to  place  and  gave  a 
picture  of  knightly  prowess  that  was  an  inspira- 
tion to  the  men  of  his  command. 

There  was  a  singular  admixture  of  military 
ability  and  of  chivalric  bearing  in  Turner  Ashby; 
and  when  these  two  qualities  met  they  were  often 
antagonistic;  and  his  skill  as  a  commander  was 
often   overmatched   by   his   chivalrous   instincts. 


GENERAL  TURNER  ASHBY         49 

He  was  too  deeply  intent  upon  his  individual 
prowess, — too  easily  influenced  by  the  excitement 
and  danger  of  battle  to  give  to  the  organization 
and  discipline  of  his  command  the  personal  atten- 
tion that  military  requirements  demanded.  His 
command  was  too  often  dispersed  and  scattered 
to  produce  the  most  effective  results.  It  is  mar- 
vellous how  he  accomplished  as  much  as  he  did. 
His  success  must  be  attributed  to  a  small  band  of 
men  who  clung  to  his  person,  followed  his  leader- 
ship and  dared  to  do  what  he  recklessly  did. 

Whatever  position  Turner  Ashby  made  as  a 
soldier,  his  record  rests  more  on  his  heroic  char- 
acter, his  pure  and  unselfish  nature,  and  his  devo- 
tion to  duty.  In  battle  he  had  the  courage  and 
daring  that  no  difficulties  could  overcome. 
When  the  battle  was  over  he  was  the  mildest  of 
the  mild,  the  gentlest  of  the  gentle, — tender, 
thoughtful,  and  kind  to  friend  or  enemy  in  dis- 
tress. There  were  no  brutal  instincts  in  his  na- 
ture. He  fought  for  the  sake  of  conscience,  and 
duty  held  full  control  over  every  passion  and  am- 
bition. His  sweetness  of  disposition,  his  man- 
liness of  character,  the  purity  of  his  soul,  will 
ever  hold  his  memory  dear  in  loving  minds  and 
hearts. 

Dick  Ashby,  too,  was  a  very  handsome  man, — 
large,  well-built,  and  commanding  in  person.     In 


So  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

disposition  he  was  social,  lively,  and  cheerful. 
His  morals  and  character  were  built  on  the  gentle- 
man's code. 

He  was  a  manly  man  with  the  courage  and  dash 
of  the  cavalier.  He  entered  into  the  life  of  the 
soldier  with  the  energy  and  passion  of  a  strong  na- 
ture, and  but  for  his  short  military  life  of  less  than 
three  months  he  would,  no  doubt,  have  achieved 
distinction  as  a  soldier.  He  died  from  wounds 
unnecessarily  inflicted  by  a  brutal  soldier,  after 
he  had  been  shot  a  number  of  times  and  lay  pros- 
trate on  the  ground.  It  was  this  act  of  barbarity 
that  so  angered  his  brother  Turner  and  made  him 
the  desperate  foe  he  soon  became.  Turner  never 
forgave  this  brutal  murder  of  Dick,  but  in  his 
revenge  he  never  inflicted  cruel  punishment  upon 
individuals.  In  the  heat  of  combat  he  fought  in 
the  open  like  a  tiger;  but  when  the  combat  was 
over  he  was  compassionate  toward  the  wounded 
and  the  prisoner.  After  an  engagement  his  first 
act  was  to  care  for  the  wounded  with  the  gentleness 
of  a  woman. 

Dick  received  his  mortal  wounds  on  the  morn- 
ing of  June  26, 1861 .  Owing  to  his  great  vitality 
he  lingered  eight  days  and  died  at  the  home  of 
Colonel  George  Washington,  six  miles  north  of 
Romney.  Turner  was  in  constant  attendance 
during  his  illness  and  did  all  a  loving  heart  could 
do  to  soothe  the  pains  of  his  dying  brother. 


GENERAL  TURNER  ASHBY         51 

After  Dick's  death  Turner  Ashby  wrote  the  fol- 
lowing words  to  his  sister: 

"Poor  Dick  went  into  the  war  like  myself,  not  to 
regard  himself  or  our  friends,  but  to  serve  our 
country  in  this  time  of  peril.  I  know  your  Ma 
and  Mary  will  all  be  too  good  soldiers  to  grudge 
giving  to  your  country  the  dearest  sacrifice  you 
could  provide.  .  .  .  His  country  has  lost  the  serv- 
ices of  a  brave  man,  with  a  strong  arm,  which  he 
proved  to  her  enemies  in  losing  his  life.  .  .  . 
I  had  rather  it  had  been  myself.  He  was  younger 
and  had  one  more  tie  to  break  than  I.2  I  had 
him  buried  in  a  beautiful  cemetery  at  Romney. 
...  I  lose  the  strength  of  his  arm  in  the  fight 
and  the  companion  of  my  social  hours.  I  mean 
to  bear  it  as  a  soldier,  and  not  as  one  who  in  this 
time  of  sacrifice  regards  only  his  own  loss." 

Turner  Ashby  was  killed  on  the  evening  of 
June  6,  1862, — eleven  months  after  Dick's  death. 
He  was  buried  in  the  cemetery  of  the  University 
of  Virginia,  Charlottesville.  In  the  fall  of  1866 
the  bodies  of  Turner  and  Dick  Ashby  were  re- 
interred  in  the  beautiful  Mt.  Hebron  cemetery  at 
Winchester,  Va.,  where  they  now  sleep,  sur- 
rounded by  their  companions  in  arms  and  eight 
hundred  and  fifteen  other  soldiers,  who  are  cov- 
ered by  a  mound,  above  which  rises  a  monument 
to  the  "Unknown  Dead." 

2  This  no  doubt  refers  to  his  engagement  to  be  married. 


52  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

"Bold  as  the  Lion  Heart — 
Dauntless  and  brave; 
Knightly  as  knightliest 
Bayard  could  crave ; 
Sweet — with  all  Sidney's  grace — 
Tender  as  Hampden's  face — 
Who,  who  shall  fill  the  space, 
Void  by  his  grave?" 

Mrs.  Preston. 


CHAPTER  V 

AN     INTERESTING    CORRESPONDENCE.        HOSPITALS 
IN    OUR   VILLAGE 

The  months  following  the  opening  of  the  war 
were  crowded  with  activity  and  excitement.  Our 
village  was  filled  with  visitors,  soldiers,  and  parties 
passing  through  on  their  way  to  the  seat  of  war. 
Each  day  brought  some  new  event,  some  reminder 
of  the  struggle  into  which  our  country  had  en- 
tered. After  our  two  companies  had  left  for  the 
front  our  citizens  were  busy  preparing  in  many 
ways  for  the  comforts  of  the  boys  in  the  army. 
The  women, — young  and  old, — organized  sewing 
societies  and  made  clothing  and  other  articles  for 
the  personal  use  of  the  soldier.  Cooks  were  busy 
preparing  food  supplies, — such  as  hams,  poultry, 
bread,  cakes,  and  pies, — which  were  packed  in 
boxes  and  shipped  almost  daily  to  the  members 
of  the  companies  or  to  the  officers  in  command. 
I  remember  that  my  mother  shipped  a  large  box 
to  the  Confederate  general  in  command  at  Ma- 
nassas, and  in  going  over  my  father's  papers  I  find 
the  following  interesting  correspondence  between 
her  and  General  Bonham. 

S3 


54  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

Front  Royal,  Warren  County,  Va. 

June  6th,  1861. 
General  M.  L.  Bonham, 

Commander  C.  S.  A. 
Dear  Sir:  I  have  the  pleasure,  upon  the  part 
of  the  ladies  of  our  little  village,  of  presenting  to 
you  and  through  you  to  the  gallant  officers  and 
men  under  your  command,  a  lot  of  Virginia  cured 
hams,  with  other  substantiate  of  life,  which  have 
been  prepared;  and  you  will  please  accept  as  a 
voluntary  contribution  to  your  usual  rations,  and 
as  evidencing  our  appreciation  of  the  sacrifice  you 
make  in  coming  to  the  assistance  of  our  honored 
old  Commonwealth  in  this  her  hour  of  need.  Al- 
low us  to  say  that  as  wives  we  know  how  to  sympa- 
thize with  those  you  have  left  in  deep  anxiety  for 
their  absent  husbands;  as  mothers,  our  hearts  yearn 
in  tender  love  for  their  young,  inexperienced,  but 
chivalrous  sons;  as  sisters  there  is  a  ceaseless  throb 
for  our  brothers'  care,  which  knoweth  not  rest,  and 
as  ladies,  our  voices  mingle  in  grateful  strains  to 
cheer  and  encourage  you  to  deeds  of  valor.  We 
know  that  the  race  is  not  to  the  swift  nor  the  battle 
to  the  strong;  and  vain  is  he  who  trusteth  in  the 
arm  of  flesh.  May  we,  therefore,  all  look  for  suc- 
cess to  Him  who  calmeth  the  seas  and  rideth  upon 
the  waves,  trusting  He  may  so  lead  and  direct  as  to 
restore  peace  to  our  borders  and  give  separation 
from  our  assailants.     We  believe  in  the  justice 


INTERESTING  CORRESPONDENCE     $S 

of  our  cause  and  rely  on  the  valor  of  our  men. 
Very  respectfully  yours, 

Elizabeth  A.  Ashby. 

Manassas  Junction,  Va., 

June  6th,   1861. 
Mrs.  Ashby. 

My  Dear  Madam:  The  very  acceptable 
present  from  the  patriotic  ladies  of  Front  Royal 
is  just  received,  and  will  be  disposed  of  according 
to  their  wishes. 

Allow  me,  Madam,  to  return  to  the  ladies  the 
heartfelt  thanks  of  the  entire  command  for  their 
kind  consideration,  not  only  in  sending  us  these 
very  appropriable  good  things,  but  also  for 
their  generous  sympathy  for  those  near  and 
dear  ones  we  have  left  behind  us.  Whatever 
sacrifice  we  make  in  giving  our  services  to  the 
common  cause  on  the  soil  of  the  great  "Old  Do- 
minion" is  much  lightened  by  the  frank  and  gen- 
erous hospitality  of  the  citizens  of  Virginia, — 
especially  the  ladies. 

Accept  in  behalf  of  yourself  and  the  ladies  you 
represent  our  sincere  wishes  for  your  own  and 
their  prosperity  and  happiness. 

Very  truly  yours, 

M.  L.  BONHAM, 

Brig.-Gen.  C.  S.  A. 


56  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

At  about  this  time  our  village  began  to  be  a 
place  for  the  care  of  the  sick  and  wounded  brought 
by  rail  from  Manassas.  When  the  wounded  were 
but  a  few,  the  sick  men  were  taken  into  the 
homes  of  the  people  and  cared  for  until  restored 
to  health;  but  as  the  number  of  patients  grew  it 
soon  became  necessary  to  establish  a  hospital  for 
the  overflow. 

Our  old  Academy  building  was  first  pressed 
into  service.  Benches  and  desks  were  removed, 
and  beds  were  established.  It  was  soon  over- 
crowded, however,  and  the  court-house  and  two  of 
the  churches  were  converted  into  hospitals;  and 
later,  owing  to  the  accommodations  still  being  in- 
adequate, additional  quarters  were  required.  The 
Confederate  Government  then  began  to  erect  three 
large  hospital  buildings  on  lots  adjacent  to  the 
village,  in  accordance  with  a  plan  that  provided 
for  a  large  hospital  plant,  and  the  work  was  pushed 
with  vigor. 

After  the  first  battle  of  Manassas  the  arrival  of 
the  wounded  and  sick  was  so  large  that  every  bit 
of  available  space  was  utilized.  All  of  our  peo- 
ple, especially  our  women,  were  kept  busy  looking 
after  the  needs  of  this  rapidly  growing  popula- 
tion. 

Too  much  cannot  be  said  about  the  zeal  and 
faithful  services  of  our  women.  They  went  into 
the   kitchens   and  prepared   dainties,   visited   the 


INTERESTING  CORRESPONDENCE     57 

wards  and  gave  personal  attention  to  the  sick, 
looked  after  beds  and  bedding,  and  in  many  ways 
added  to  the  comfort  of  the  hospital  inmates.  In 
their  patriotism  and  unselfish  service  no  act  of 
self-sacrifice  was  neglected.  But  for  our  women, 
these  sick  soldiers  would  have  fared  badly;  for 
the  overcrowding  and  inefficient  hospital  service 
were  at  times  deplorable. 

I  well  remember  the  sorrow  at  the  first  death 
in  the  hospital, — the  death  of  a  man  from  a 
Southern  State,  who  had  left  a  wife  and  children 
in  his  far-away  home  to  serve  his  country.  He 
had  been  brought  from  Manassas  with  a  severe 
attack  of  fever,  which  carried  him  off  a  few  days 
after  his  arrival  at  the  hospital.  His  funeral  and 
burial  were  marked  by  the  most  profound  respect. 
A  small  military  company,  on  guard  duty  in  the 
village,  turned  out  to  give  him  a  military  funeral. 
With  fife  and  drum  the  company  marched  to  the 
yet  unused  spot  that  had  been  selected  for  a  sol- 
diers' cemetery.  Our  citizens, — men  and  women, 
boys  and  girls, — turned  out  to  follow  the  remains 
of  this  poor  fellow  to  the  cemetery,  his  last  resting- 
place.  It  was  a  beautiful  Sunday  afternoon  in 
the  early  fall  and  the  exercises  were  made  most 
impressive  by  the  large  company  that  had  as- 
sembled to  pay  respect  to  the  dead  soldier.  When 
the  casket  was  deposited  in  the  grave  a  squad  of 
soldiers  fired  a  salute  over  the  grave  and  paid  all 


58  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

the  military  honors  possible  on  such  an  occa- 
sion. 

The  solemnity  and  pathos  of  that  first  soldier's 
burial  was  made  most  striking  by  comparison  with 
other  ceremonies  that  soon  followed.  A  few  days 
later  a  second  death  occurred  in  the  hospital. 
This  poor  fellow  was  escorted  to  his  grave  by  a 
few  citizens  and  a  squad  of  soldiers  that  fired  a 
salute  and  then  retired.  Very  soon  another  poor 
fellow  died,  and  this  one  was  buried  in  the  simplest 
way. 

As  the  days  came  and  went  deaths  followed  so 
rapidly  that  the  new  cemetery  grew  and  grew  till 
it  soon  became  a  city  of  the  dead;  indeed,  God's 
acre  was  filled  so  fast  that  within  a  few  months 
over  one  hundred  bodies  were  sleeping  under  the 
sod,  now  consecrated  by  the  devotion  of  our  peo- 
ple,— a  field  not  filled  with  men  who  lost  their 
lives  in  battle,  but  who  died  from  disease  con- 
tracted in  camp.  As  the  men  were  buried,  wooden 
head-boards  were  placed  at  their  graves  giving 
name,  date  of  death,  and  regiment.  This  care 
was  exercised  for  a  time  but  later  many  unknown 
were  placed  in  the  ground, — men  whom  it  has 
never  been  possible  to  identify.  Many  of  them 
were  from  the  States  further  South,  North  Caro- 
lina being  largely  represented. 

An  incident  that  occurred  at  this  time  gave  me 
much  distress.     In  one  of  the  hospitals  near  my 


INTERESTING  CORRESPONDENCE     59 

home  there  was  a  tall,  lean,  pale-faced  boy,  not 
over  18  years  of  age, — a  member  of  the  Eleventh 
North  Carolina  Regiment, — who  had  entered  the 
hospital  as  a  convalescent  from  camp  fever  and 
was  able  to  take  exercise  in  the  yard.  His  deli- 
cate and  refined  features  and  depressed  spirits 
greatly  excited  the  interest  of  his  companions  who 
tried  to  cheer  him  up  by  making  good-natured 
fun  of  his  homesickness.  However,  the  poor  boy 
grew  weaker  day  by  day,  then  took  to  his  bed,  and 
within  a  week's  time  was  buried.  His  name  was 
Joseph  Hoover,  and  his  grave  can  be  found  in  the 
soldiers'  lot.  No  doubt  his  parents  and  friends 
have  thought  of  him  as  lying  buried  on  some  field 
of  battle  among  the  unknown  dead,  as  do  many 
who  have  long  since  been  forgotten.  And  speak- 
ing of  such  burials  I  recall  that  in  my  own 
county  several  hundred  men  belonging  to  the 
Northern  and  Southern  armies  were  so  hastily 
buried  where  they  fell  in  action  that  their  graves 
were  torn  open  by  wild  animals  and  their  bones 
scattered  over  the  ground,  and  are  now  dissolved 
in  clay  by  the  hand  of  time.  During  the  winter 
of  1864  I  saw  a  number  of  graves  of  this  type. 
Dogs  had  dug  up  the  remains,  and  there  were 
bones  under  bushes,  under  rock  piles,  or  scattered 
all  over  the  ground.  These  things  were  all  that 
was  left  of  men  who  had  been  killed  in  battle  and 
whose  bodies  had  remained  unburied  for  days  until 


6o  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

some  of  our  citizens  had  hurriedly  covered  their 
remains  with  dirt  and  stones  as  best  they  could. 
I  recall  the  remains  of  a  poor  fellow  who  was 
mortally  wounded  in  a  charge  through  a  deep 
ravine,  filled  with  loose  stone  and  wild  brush, 
under  which  he  had  crawled,  and  there  died.  His 
body  had  not  been  discovered  until  winter  had 
killed  the  brush  that  had  concealed  it.  When 
found  his  bones  were  bleaching  under  the  frost  of 
winter.  Such  cases  were  not  unusual.  Often 
bodies  were  found  in  wild  mountain  gorges ;  in  the 
beds  of  rivers,  or  in  some  unfrequented  place 
death  had  come  either  by  sickness  or  by  a  wound. 
These  are  a  few  of  the  tragedies  of  war, — in- 
evitable when  men  appeal  to  the  use  of  arms  for 
the  control  of  governmental  power. 


CHAPTER  VI 

VISIT    TO    MANASSAS.       IN    WINTER    QUARTERS 

The  first  battle  of  Manassas  had  been  fought  with 
brilliant  success  to  the  Southern  cause.  The 
affairs  of  the  Confederacy  were  in  a  most  hopeful 
condition.  Our  people  were  moved  with  deepest 
patriotism  and  every  preparation  was  being  made 
to  advance  the  welfare  of  the  armies  now  defend- 
ing our  rights.  Our  farmers  were  busy  making 
and  gathering  in  their  crops.  Every  industry  was 
employed  in  making  arms,  ammunition,  and  mili- 
tary supplies.  Men  were  being  recruited,  organ- 
ized into  companies,  and  sent  to  the  front  for  serv- 
ice. All  of  these  activities  indicated  that  the  peo- 
ple of  the  South  would  make  every  resistance  pos- 
sible against  the  Federal  forces  now  invading 
their  soil. 

Our  village  occupied  a  strong  strategic  position 
and  was  used  as  a  base  where  supplies  were  col- 
lected from  adjacent  counties  for  shipment  to 
Manassas,  where  men  were  gathered  for  enlist- 
ment and  drilled,  and  where  the  sick  and  wounded 
were  cared  for  until  ready  for  service  again.  So 
crowded  were  the  hospitals  at  times  it  became 
necessary  to  take  many  of  the  convalescents  into 

61 


62  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

the  homes  of  different  families.  For  weeks  at  a 
time  every  available  room  in  my  home  was  occu- 
pied by  some  convalescent  soldier. 

With  the  opening  of  the  fall  months  I  had  to 
take  up  regular  school  work.  There  were,  how- 
ever, too  many  important  events  taking  place  to 
admit  of  a  boy's  giving  much  attention  to  books 
and  studies. 

At  this  time  we  had  the  greatest  abundance  of 
food  supplies  and  plenty  of  servants  to  wait  on 
the  guests  in  our  home.  The  home  of  every 
family  in  the  village  and  surrounding  country  was 
rilled  to  overflowing  as  was  my  own;  for  the  hos- 
pitality of  our  people  knew  no  limit  and  their 
kindness  to  the  Confederate  soldier,  whether  sick 
or  well,  was  unbounded. 

During  the  winter  months  active  military  opera- 
tions were  suspended  and  the  armies  were  held  in 
winter  quarters,  where  they  had  only  the  lighter 
duties  to  discharge.  The  boys  from  our  county 
frequently  came  home  on  furlough,  and  our  people 
often  made  visits  to  the  boys  in  camp  at  Manassas. 
Trains  leaving  the  village  at  an  early  hour  in  the 
morning  arrived  at  Manassas  by  nine  or  ten 
o'clock  and  returned  late  in  the  afternoon,  thus 
giving  visitors  some  six  or  eight  hours'  stay  in 
camp.  I  remember  once  making  this  trip  in  the 
early  fall  with  my  father,  mother,  and  a  few 
friends.     We  carried  with  us  a  large  box  of  pro- 


VISIT  TO  MANASSAS  63 

visions  for  the  boys  in  camp  and  spent  the  day 
there  with  the  then  happy  fellows.  They  were 
living  in  tents,  but  were  comfortably  fixed,  with 
only  light  duties  to  perform  and  experiencing  all 
the  pleasures  of  gay  companionship.  The  hard- 
ships of  military  service  had  not  up  to  this  time 
been  felt.  We  passed  a  most  pleasant  day  in 
camp  with  the  soldier  boys  from  our  county,  and 
had  a  fair  view  of  the  life  of  the  soldier. 

At  the  time  of  our  visit  it  was  estimated  there 
were  some  30,000  troops  camped  in  and  near 
Manassas, — a  place  that  had  at  that  time  only  a 
few  hundred  actual  population.  Located  at  the 
junction  of  two  railroads, — one  leading  from  the 
Valley  of  Virginia,  and  the  other  from  Richmond 
and  points  south, — with  a  single-track  road  ex- 
tending from  Manassas  to  Alexandria  and  Wash- 
ington on  the  Potomac,  it  had  been  selected  as 
a  military  post  on  account  of  its  connections. 

After  the  first  battle  of  Manassas,  July  21, 
1861,  the  Federal  army  had  withdrawn  its  main 
force  to  Washington  and  the  south  bank  of  the 
Potomac;  and  there  were  a  few  outposts  between 
Alexandria  and  Manassas,  the  intervening  terri- 
tory being  held  by  scouts,  raiding  parties,  and 
small  encampments  on  outpost  duty. 

At  Manassas  the  Confederate  army  was  acting 
on  the  defensive.  Large  forts  and  fortifications 
had  been  built, — or  were  in  process  of  building, — 


64  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

and  the  place  had  been  put  in  a  very  strong  posi- 
tion for  defense.  It  was  believed  at  that  time 
that  the  Federal  line  of  invasion  would  follow  the 
line  of  railroad  that  led  through  Manassas. 
While  the  Confederate  troops  were  being  gathered 
and  organized  at  Manassas  it  was  known  that 
large  Federal  forces  were  assembling  in  Washing- 
ton and  that  preparations  on  a  large  scale  were 
being  made  for  the  invasion  of  Virginia  in  the 
spring. 

General  Geo.  B.  McClellan  had  been  placed  in 
command  of  the  Federal  army  and  he  began  to 
forge  the  weapon  that  was  to  play  the  chief  role 
in  the  subjugation  of  the  South.  Every  resource 
at  the  command  of  the  Federal  Government  was 
brought  to  bear  in  the  work  of  preparation  and  or- 
ganization. It  was  known  that  more  than  200,- 
000  men,  at  the  command  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, were  in  arms  at  the  time.  While  the  North 
and  Northwest  were  pouring  in  their  volunteers  to 
swell  the  Union  army  the  Confederate  Govern- 
ment was  singularly  apathetic.  It  failed  to 
realize  the  vast  importance  of  the  thorough  organ- 
ization and  equipment  of  its  military  forces  and 
allowed  the  winter  of  1861  to  pass  without  making 
an  aggressive  movement.  By  holding  its  forces 
on  the  defensive,  it  allowed  the  Federal  armies  to 
remain  in  camp  and  perfect  their  organizations  for 


VISIT  TO  MANASSAS  65 

aggressive  movements  in  the  following  spring  and 
summer. 

After  the  brilliant  victory  at  Manassas  the 
South  seemed  to  develop  a  spirit  of  overconndence 
in  her  resources, — a  confidence  that  was  not  justi- 
fied. She  magnified  her  own  prowess  and  mini- 
mized that  of  her  enemy.  Of  the  Southern  gen- 
erals Beauregard  and  Stonewall  Jackson  were  in 
favor  of  an  aggressive  movement,  advocating  the 
invasion  of  Maryland  and  an  assault  on  Wash- 
ington. The  Confederate  authorities  decided  to 
remain  on  the  defensive  and  assented  to  the  policy 
adopted  by  the  Federals. 

This  policy  gave  the  North  an  abundance  of 
time  to  prepare  for  a  war  of  gigantic  proportions. 
The  South  had  at  the  same  time  the  opportunity 
to  equip  its  armies  with  arms,  ammunition,  and 
military  supplies  from  foreign  countries,  as  her 
ports  were  then  open  to  European  countries.  The 
South  had  at  that  time  millions  of  bales  of  cotton 
that  could  have  been  shipped  to  England  and  sold 
for  money  that  would  have  given  the  Confederate 
Government  a  financial  backing  sufficient  to  pur- 
chase and  outfit  a  navy, — a  navy  that  would  have 
embarrassed  that  of  the  Federal  Government  and 
would  have  kept  the  Southern  ports  open. 

The  theory  of  the  Confederate  authorities  was 
that  the  withholding  of  her  cotton  would  force 


66  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

the  European  powers  to  recognize  the  Confederate 
Government.  This  theory  was  adopted  in  prac- 
tice, at  least;  for  the  Confederate  authorities 
allowed  the  opportunity  to  pass  during  the  first 
year  of  the  war  and  after  that  time  it  was  too 
late.  No  one  can  now  say  what  might  have  been 
the  difference  in  the  result  of  the  war  had  the 
Government  at  Richmond  been  controlled  with  the 
same  wisdom  and  sound  maxims  of  business  policy 
as  was  that  at  Washington.  The  historian  may 
speculate  on  such  matters,  but,  in  the  light  of  facts, 
the  man  of  common  sense  can  easily  see  that  the 
South  owed  her  defeat  to  her  civil  policies,  not  to 
her  armies. 

About  the  1st  of  November  Stonewall  Jackson 
was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  major-general  and 
assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Shenandoah  Val- 
ley. He  made  his  headquarters  at  Winchester, 
having  with  him  a  force  of  less  than  5,000  men. 
The  Federal  army  opposing  numbered  some 
28,000  men,  who  were  placed  at  different  points 
along  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  railroad  from  Point 
of  Rocks  to  Cumberland.  General  Jackson  was 
alive  to  the  situation  and  kept  his  forces  in  action 
during  the  greater  part  of  the  winter.  While  the 
Confederate  army  was  stationed  at  Winchester  our 
village  was  within  the  Confederate  lines,  and  our 
people  were  not  disturbed  by  the  fear  of  the 
enemy. 


VISIT  TO  MANASSAS         '      67 

The  winter  was  full  of  activity.  With  four 
hospitals  filled  with  the  sick,  and  many  private 
homes  caring  for  the  convalescents,  there  was  little 
time  for  tranquillity.  Everyone  seemed  to  be  em- 
ployed, our  women  giving  personal  attention  to 
the  care  of  the  sick.  I  cannot  claim  that  these 
serious  duties  absorbed  all  the  time  of  our  women, 
— it  certainly  did  not  monopolize  the  time  of  the 
younger  set,  for  the  social  life  of  the  village  was 
kept  in  a  whirl  of  excitement  by  numerous  private 
entertainments,  dances,  and  musicales,  in  which  the 
convalescent  soldier,  the  boys  at  home  on  fur- 
lough, and  the  young  girls  were  brought  together. 
The  game  of  love  was  played  with  as  much  ardor 
as  the  game  of  war.  In  this  way  the  winter 
months  soon  rolled  around  and,  with  the  approach 
of  spring,  thoughts  were  turned  to  other  fancies 
than  those  of  love. 

It  was  during  the  fall  and  winter  of  1861  that 
the  new  Confederate  bank  notes  began  to  circulate, 
and  with  this  new  currency  came  a  flood  of  State 
bank  paper,  corporation  paper,  and  small  shin- 
plasters,  issued  in  denominations  of  5,  10,  25,  and 
50  cents  by  any  individual  engaged  in  commercial 
business.  A  watchmaker  in  our  village,  with  a 
combined  capital  of  less  than  $1,000,  issued  his 
notes,  made  payable  at  the  close  of  the  war,  and 
then  as  opportunities  were  presented,  passed  them 
out  in  change  for  purchases  or  for  other  notes. 


68  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

The  capacity  of  the  printing  press  seemed  to  be 
the  only  limit  to  the  issue  of  this  bogus  currency. 
From  the  Government  down  to  the  small  dealer, 
paper  money  was  poured  out  in  such  abundance  as 
was  never  before  witnessed.  Money  of  every 
description,  except  in  the  form  of  metal,  was  in  the 
freest  circulation.  Everybody  had  money  and 
everybody  felt  rich, — even  those  who  had  never 
before  known  the  sensation  of  having  money. 
Money  became  cheap  and  everything  else  grew  in 
value.  A  few  who  had  property  to  sell  accepted 
this  money  in  payment  and  converted  it  into  Con- 
federate bonds.  Small  fortunes  soon  grew  in  this 
paper  security  that  had  no  other  value  than  the 
promise  of  the  newly  organized  Government  back 
of  it. 

So  intense  was  the  spirit  of  patriotism  that  many 
of  our  well-to-do  citizens  were  induced  to  sell  their 
personal  property  and  invest  in  Confederate  bonds. 
This  was  one  way  they  had  of  giving  support  to  a 
Government  that  based  all  its  credit  on  the  loyalty 
of  its  people  and  none  upon  sound  and  conserva- 
tive measures  of  financial  policy.  I  was  present 
at  a  private  discussion  between  several  of  our  best, 
citizens  on  the  financial  policy  of  the  Government, 
in  which  they  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  Gov- 
ernment would  fall  because  of  its  own  inefficiency 
rather  than  by  the  arms  of  the  enemy.  They  held 
that  a  public  credit  that  had  no  basis  of  strength 


VISIT  TO  MANASSAS  69 

other  than  moral  support  would  crumble  under 
its  own  weight.  Patriotism,  they  claimed,  would 
raise  armies  and  fight  battles,  but  it  could  not 
arm,  clothe,  and  feed  men.  During  the  winter  of 
1861  it  became  quite  evident  to  men  like  my 
father  and  to  other  leading  citizens,  that  the  Gov- 
ernment at  Richmond  was  full  of  weakness  and 
inefficiency.  They  recognized  the  symptoms  of  a 
disease  for  which  they  could  offer  no  remedy. 
However,  at  this  time  an  intense  patriotism 
buoyed  them  up  to  hope  that  conditions  would 
improve  and  that  the  arms  of  the  South  would 
overbalance  the  defects  of  the  civil  administra- 
tion. 


CHAPTER  VII 

FEDERAL  INVASION  OF  THE  SHENANDOAH  VAL- 
LEY. BATTLE  OF  KERNSTOWN.  STORMY 
DAYS 

In  the  spring  of  1862  it  was  announced  that  Ma- 
nassas would  be  evacuated  by  the  Confederate 
army,  and  that  the  Federal  attack  would  be  made 
by  way  of  the  Peninsula.  The  Confederate  forces 
were  transferred  to  the  Peninsula,  with  the  ad- 
vanced lines  at  Williamsburg,  Va.  After  the 
evacuation  of  Manassas  the  hospitals  in  our  vil- 
lage were  closed,  and  all  Government  supplies 
were  moved  into  the  interior.  Notice  was  given 
that  our  people  would  soon  be  within  the  enemy's 
lines. 

During  the  latter  part  of  February  General 
Banks,  with  an  army  of  some  40,000  men,  crossed 
the  Potomac  at  Harper's  Ferry  and  began  the  in- 
vasion of  the  Shenandoah  Valley.  The  army  at 
Manassas  withdrew  to  Orange  Court  House  on 
March  8,  which  left  the  Confederate  lines  in  the 
Valley  exposed,  and  made  it  necessary  for  General 
Jackson  to  withdraw  to  a  higher  position  in  the 
Valley. 

On  March  11,  1862,  Winchester  was  evacuated 
70 


STORMY  DAYS  71 

by  the  Confederates,  and  on  the  following  day 
General  Shields,  with  a  division  of  11,000  men, 
took  possession  of  the  place.  Jackson  then  fell 
back  to  Strasburg  and  upon  Shields'  advance  he 
retreated  to  Woodstock,  twelve  miles  further 
south.  The  army  under  Banks  consisted  of  three 
divisions,  aggregating  about  40,000  men.  Two 
of  these  divisions  had  been  sent  to  reinforce 
McClellan,  leaving  Shields,  with  over  15,000  men, 
to  watch  Jackson,  with  less  than  5,000.  Shields 
withdrew  from  Strasburg  to  Winchester  and  Jack- 
son followed  him  as  far  as  Kernstown,  about  five 
miles  south  of  Winchester,  where  on  March  23rd, 
he  engaged  Shields  in  battle. 

The  battle  of  Kernstown  was  bitterly  contested, 
Jackson, — having  less  than  4,000  men  opposed  to 
Shields'  9,000, — was  forced  to  retire  from  the 
field,  but  he  held  his  men  in  good  order.  The 
battle  while  a  tactical  defeat  was  a  strategic  vic- 
tory for  the  Confederates,  since  it  recalled  to  the 
Valley  the  troops  sent  to  the  aid  of  McClellan, 
and  relieved  the  pressure  that  McClellan  was 
making  against  the  Confederate  forces  on  the 
Peninsula.  And  Jackson,  with  his  small  force  of 
some  4,000  men,  kept  some  40,000  Federal  troops 
in  the  Valley,  thus  preventing  a  reenforcement  of 
McClellan. 

For  the  next  thirty  days  Jackson  was  busily 
maneuvering  with  the  Federal  forces  to  hold  them 


72  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

in  the  Valley.  His  army  now  numbered  about 
6,000  men,  nearly  one-half  being  cavalry.  On 
April  30th  he  went  from  Elk  Run  Valley,  leaving 
General  Ewell, — who  had  recently  joined  him, — 
with  8,000  men,  to  watch  the  movements  of 
the  enemy,  east  of  Harrisonburg,  crossed  over 
the  Blue  Ridge  into  eastern  Virginia  and  then 
returned  by  rail  to  Staunton.  After  reaching 
Staunton  by  this  indirect  route  Jackson  united  his 
forces  with  those  of  General  Edward  Johnson, 
who  had  about  2,800  men,  and  marched  west  along 
the  pike  leading  from  Staunton  to  McDowell, 
where  the  Federal  forces  under  General  Milroy 
had  been  concentrated.  On  May  8th  Jackson 
attacked  Milroy  and  soon  won  the  victory  of 
McDowell,  driving  the  Federal  forces  back  into 
the  mountains  of  West  Virginia. 

On  May  12th  Jackson  returned  to  the  Valley 
and  took  position  on  the  pike  between  Staunton 
and  Harrisonburg,  where  he  organized  that  move- 
ment that  soon  went  into  histor)^  as  the  Valley 
Campaign, — the  most  brilliant  achievement  in  the 
War  between  the  States. 

I  must  now  return  to  the  narrative  of  events 
that  took  place  in  our  village  while  the  movements 
in  the  Valley  were  going  on.  The  withdrawal  of 
the  Confederate  forces  from  Winchester,  and  the 
retreat  up  the  Valley  placed  our  county  within  the 
Federal   lines.     The   hopes   of   our   people   were 


STORMY  DAYS  73 

greatly  depressed  and  all  fully  realized  the  gravity 
of  the  situation.  We  were  left  to  the  invasion  of 
the  enemy  and  felt  the  apprehension  that  an 
enemy's  presence  is  sure  to  create.  Many  of  our  i 
people  had  shipped  their  most  valuable  horses, 
cattle,  and  other  personal  property  within  the  Con- 
federate lines,  only  keeping  at  home  such  stock  as 
was  needed  for  farming  purposes.  Stores  and 
business  houses  were  closed,  but  our  farmers  went 
on  cultivating  their  crops  with  as  much  diligence  as 
conditions  would  permit;  for  at  this  stage  of  the 
war  we  did  not  know  what  effect  an  invading 
army  would  have  upon  the  lives  and  property  of 
our  people, — whether  all  rights  would  be  swept 
away,  or  our  old  men,  women,  and  children  would 
be  insulted,  imprisoned,  and  maltreated,  and  our 
property  confiscated.  At  that  time  some  con- 
fidence was  held  in  the  humanity  and  justice  of 
the  Federal  Government,  which  was  believed  to  be 
conducting  its  war  against  men  in  arms  and  not 
against  non-combatants.  All  knew  that  the  war 
was  for  subjugation  of  the  seceding  States,  a 
restoration  of  the  Union,  and  the  emancipation  of 
the  negro.  However,  the  means  by  which  these 
results  would  be  brought  about  were  not  fully 
understood ;  for  at  that  time  the  bitter  experiences 
of  civil  war  had  not  been  tested. 

Soon  after  the  Confederate  forces  were  with- 
drawn from  our  village,  we  were  surprised  on  the 


74  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

afternoon  of  March  27th  by  a  raid  of  Federal 
cavalry,  consisting  of  one  company,  commanded 
by  Captain  David  Strother,  a  Virginian  by  birth, 
better  known  under  the  110771  de  plume,  "Porte 
Crayon." 

The  company  dashed  into  the  village,  halted  in 
front  of  the  hotel  in  the  Public  Square  for  some 
fifteen  minutes,  and  after  asking  a  few  questions, 
seeming  satisfied  with  their  investigation,  they 
turned  their  backs  on  the  crowd  that  had  as- 
sembled to  see  the  men  who  wore  the  blue. 

Looking  back  over  these  stormy  days  of  war,  I 
recall  the  fact  that  there  were  several  Union  men 
in  our  county  who  took  no  part  in  the  great  civil 
strife,  but  who  used  their  influence  to  defend  our 
people, — who  respected  their  opinions  because  they 
were  conscientious  and  honest, — against  the  cruel 
spirit  of  our  Northern  invaders.  They  were 
known  to  the  Northern  army  as  Union  sympa- 
thizers, but  as  non-combatants;  and  on  all  occa- 
sions they  were  ready  to  assist  our  people  in  the 
recovery  of  property  that  had  been  taken  by  the 
Union  army  or  to  intercede  for  those  who  had  been 
unjustly  imprisoned.  The  services  of  these  Union 
men  were  invaluable. 

In  one  instance  some  negroes  belonging  to  one 
of  our  prominent  citizens  ran  away  in  the  night 
and  took  with  them  a  wagon  and  four  horses. 
They  were  traced  to  the  Federal  lines,  and  their 


STORMY  DAYS  75 

owner,  taking  with  him  one  of  these  Union  sym- 
pathizers, went  to  the  camp,  made  claim  to  the 
horses  and  wagon,  and  secured  their  return  from 
General  Milroy,  the  officer  in  command.  The 
negroes  were  left  to  their  freedom,  for  they  were 
an  untrustworthy,  unreliable,  and  sorry  crowd. 
In  justice  I  must  say  that  no  Union  man  in  our 
community  was  either  spy  or  renegade,  but  sought 
to  live  peacefully  with  both  sides  engaged  in  a 
fratricidal  strife,  knowing  full  well  that  the  pas- 
sions of  men  engaged  in  civil  war  could  only  be 
subdued  by  the  survival  of  the  strongest.  War 
has  no  respect  for  the  individual.  It  has  no  sym- 
pathy for  the  weak.  It  seeks  only  to  advance  the 
interests  of  the  strong.  Those  who  appeal  to  its 
decision  must  accept  its  results. 

After  this  first  visit  of  Federal  cavalry  our  peo- 
ple soon  became  accustomed  to  the  sight  of  the 
Federal  troops.  From  day  to  day  small  bodies 
of  soldiers  or  raiding  parties  came  to  the  village. 
The  place  became  a  stamping-ground  for  the  men 
of  both  armies.  One  day  the  Confederates  came 
to  see  us,  and  the  next  day  the  Federals.  Between 
the  two  we  were  kept  in  a  state  of  constant  ex- 
citement, bordering  sometimes  on  anxiety,  some- 
times on  hope. 

During  these  months  the  domestic  life  of  the 
community  was  filled  with  innumerable  disturb- 
ances; anxiety,  fear,  joy,  and  sorrow  found  place 


76         THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

in  every  heart.  There  was  not  a  family  that  did 
not  have  a  father,  brother,  son  or  some  other  rela- 
tive in  the  Confederate  army, — relatives  who  had 
enlisted  in  different  commands  located  in  Vir- 
ginia or  in  the  Western  army.  All  these  men  were 
exposed  to  the  dangers  and  casualties  of  war;  and 
though  there  was  a  constant  communication  by 
letter  between  the  loved  ones  at  home  and  the 
absent  soldier,  the  mails  were  irregular  and  un- 
certain; days  frequently  passed  before  the  results 
of  a  battle  were  known. 

The  Richmond  newspapers  were  sought  eagerly, 
but  items  of  news  were  often  unsatisfactory.  The 
progress  of  the  war  was  so  uncertain, — apparently 
so  hopeless, — that  the  success  of  our  arms  seemed 
clouded  in  doubt.  We  were  now  in  the  enemy's 
territory;  our  lives  and  property  were  exposed  to 
death  and  confiscation,  our  homes  were  open  to 
the  insults  and  cruelty  of  an  invading  army  that 
was  seeking  to  trample  upon  our  liberties  and 
destroy  our  institutions.  The  only  hope  that  ani- 
mated our  people  was  the  belief  that  everyone  had 
in  the  justice  of  our  cause,  and  in  the  patriotism 
and  valor  of  our  armies.  Those  unable  to  take 
part  in  the  military  service, — our  old  men,  our 
women,  and  the  children  of  tender  age, — remained 
firm  in  spirit  and  daring  in  purpose.  Willing  to 
endure  every  privation,  to  make  every  sacrifice, 
they  sent  words  of  love  and  encouragement  to  their 


STORMY  DAYS  77 

kindred  in  arms,  inspiring  them  to  deeds  of  valor 
and  heroism.  Our  old  men  and  boys  were  busy 
in  the  fields  with  their  crops,  sewing  seed  which 
would  bear  crops  for  the  enemy  to  gather  or 
destroy.  Our  women,  young  and  old,  were  busy 
with  the  loom,  spinning-wheel,  and  needle,  mak- 
ing their  own  apparel  or  that  of  their  friends  in 
the  arm)'.  All  attempts  at  ornamentation  were 
abandoned:  our  men  were  clothed  in  the  plainest 
woolen  or  cotton  fabric,  our  women,  in  homespun 
dresses  dyed  with  the  bark  or  root  of  trees.  In 
food,  as  in  raiment,  there  was  simplicity  and  tem- 
perance. 

As  the  war  continued  from  year  to  year  these 
methods  adopted  in  1862  were  enforced  with 
greater  rigidity. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

FEDERAL    TROOPS    IN    THE    VILLAGE.       THE 
SPIRIT    OF    THE    SOUTH 

Though  small  bodies  of  Federal  troops  were  fre- 
quently seen  in  Front  Royal,  it  was  not  until 
May  14,  1862,  that  a  large  body  of  soldiers  en- 
camped near  us.  This  occurred  when  the  division 
of  General  Shields,  on  its  retreat  from  the  Upper 
Valley,  passed  our  way  and  went  into  camp  for 
several  days  in  the  suburbs.  As  the  weather  was 
cold  and  rainy,  and  the  roads  were  in  the  worst 
condition  possible  for  travel,  the  men  were  muddy, 
wet,  jaded,  and  looked  most  miserable.  Then, 
too,  they  had  seen  hard  service  in  following  Stone- 
wall Jackson  through  his  wanderings  in  the 
Valley. 

There  came  to  our  home  at  this  time  a  Federal 
officer,  Col.  Thos.  C.  McDowell,  in  command  of 
a  Pennsylvania  regiment  in  Shields'  Division,  who 
asked  for  quarters  for  himself  and  staff.  His  re- 
quest was  granted  and  he  was  entertained  by  my 
parents  with  as  much  courtesy  as  was  possible 
under  the  existing  conditions.  My  father  soon 
learned  that  he  was  a  gentleman  of  culture  and 
refinement,  a  Democrat,  and  a  much  dissatisfied 

78 


FEDERAL  TROOPS  IN  VILLAGE     79 

soldier.  Colonel  McDowell  soon  became  very 
confidential  and  related  his  history  to  my  father 
with  a  frankness  that  was  pathetic. 

It  seems  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  he 
was  editing  a  Democratic  paper  in  a  large  city  in 
Pennsylvania.  Being  a  Union  man  and  what  was 
known  as  a  War  Democrat,  he  had  been  given  a 
commission  as  Colonel  of  a  regiment  of  volunteers 
by  the  Governor  of  his  State  and  in  this  capacity 
he  had  entered  the  army.  He  was  a  man  with  a 
family,  one  of  his  sons  being  a  lieutenant  in  his 
regiment.  While  a  guest  in  my  home  he  expressed 
to  my  father  his  dissatisfaction  with  the  policy  of 
the  Federal  Government  both  in  its  purpose  and 
in  its  conduct  of  the  war.  He  said  he  had  en- 
tered the  army  under  the  conviction  that  the  war 
was  for  the  restoration  of  the  Union,  but  he  had 
discovered  that  its  main  purpose  was  to  destroy 
the  institution  of  slavery.  With  the  latter  pur- 
pose he  had  no  sympathy.  He  then  told  my 
father  that  he  had  decided  to  resign  his  commis- 
sion in  the  army  and  resume  his  duties  as  editor 
of  his  paper  which  was  opposed  to  what  he  con- 
ceived to  be  the  policy  of  the  Government. 
During  the  few  days  this  officer  was  in  our  home 
we  became  strongly  attracted  to  him,  and  when 
he  left  we  had  no  thought  of  ever  seeing  him 
again.  Later  I  will  tell  of  a  visit  he  made  to 
our  home  a  few  weeks  afterward. 


80  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

General  Shields'  army  remained  in  camp  only 
two  days  and  then  crossed  the  Blue  Ridge  into 
eastern  Virginia.  Shortly  after  this  the  First 
Maryland  Federal  Regiment,  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  J.  R.  Kenly,  went  into  camp  on  a 
high  hill  one  mile  north  of  our  village.  It  was 
a  large  and  well-organized  regiment,  made  up 
almost  entirely  of  Maryland  men.  With  the 
regiment  was  a  battery  of  artillery.  Two  com- 
panies were  detached  and  stationed  in  the  village 
as  a  guard  for  the  Provost-Marshal,  whose  office 
was  in  the  hotel.  Outposts  and  pickets  were 
stationed  on  the  main  roads  that  led  into  the  vil- 
lage. These  Maryland  men  were  well  behaved, 
orderly,  and  kind  to  our  people,  and  they  created 
a  good  impression.  At  this  time  all  private 
property  was  protected,  and,  when  needed  for  the 
use  of  the  army,  was  paid  for.  The  soldiers  paid 
for  the  small  things  they  wanted,  such  as  milk, 
pies,  cakes,  and  fruit.  There  was  no  disposition 
to  rob  or  pillage.  Colonel  Kenly  camped  on  land 
owned  by  an  estate  of  which  my  father  was  the 
administrator,  and  he  gave  an  order  on  the  Gov- 
ernment to  indemnify  the  estate  for  the  use  of 
grass  and  other  property  taken  by  the  men  of  his 
command.  Though  the  Government  never  re- 
spected his  order  and  has  never  paid  for  the 
property  the  men  took,  it  was  not  due  to  any  fault 
of  Colonel  Kenly.     He  was  a  gentleman  and  re- 


FEDERAL  TROOPS  IN  VILLAGE     81 

spected  the  rights  of  the  citizens;  which  is  more 
than  can  be  said  for  the  Government  for  which 
he  was  fighting.  His  action  indicated  that  the 
Federal  authorities  were  fighting  men  in  arms  and 
not  robbing  and  destroying  the  property  of  un- 
armed citizens.  Even  the  Confederate  authori- 
ties were  not  at  that  time  more  considerate  of  the 
rights  of  our  citizens  than  were  Colonel  Kenly  and 
his  men.  Had  a  policy  like  his  been  adopted 
during  the  subsequent  years  of  the  war,  it  is  more 
than  probable  that  peace  would  have  been  made 
sooner  and  without  so  fearful  a  waste  of  life  and 
property. 

It  was  for  the  reason  that  the  policy  of  the 
Federal  Government  with  regard  to  the  people  of 
the  South  during  the  last  two  years  of  the  war 
was  so  exasperating  to  the  men,  women,  and  even 
children  of  that  section,  that  no  sacrifice  was  con- 
sidered too  great  to  make  in  defense  of  their  lives 
and  property.  When  it  became  a  war  of  exter- 
mination few  shrank  from  the  hardships  inflicted 
on  them;  for  life  and  property  seemed  of  less 
value  to  the  Southerners  than  freedom  from 
tyranny  and  oppression. 

And  that  is  why  fathers  and  mothers,  wives 
and  sisters,  bore  their  sorrow  with  stoicism  when 
their  loved  ones  fell  in  battle.  Only  those  who 
lived  through  the  storm  of  war, — who  experi- 
enced the  hardships  and  sorrows  of  a  brutal  and 


82  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

inhuman  struggle, — can  fully  realize  the  suffer- 
ings, the  sorrows,  and  the  courage  of  the  Southern 
women,  of  the  old  men,  and  even  of  children  of 
tender  age  when  brought  face  to  face  with  starva- 
tion and  death.  We  will  never  know  how  many 
innocent  lives  were  destroyed,  what  brilliant 
hopes  were  crushed  by  the  conditions  that  sur- 
rounded the  non-combatants,  nor  how  many 
actually  perished  from  disease  due  to  starvation. 
Even  at  this  late  day,  when  I  think  of  that  time 
of  war,  and  recall  the  many  incidents  that  came 
under  my  personal  notice,  I  often  wonder  how  so 
many  lived  through  them, — how  the  spirit  of  men, 
women,  and  children  could  have  endured  the  situa- 
tion presented  to  them. 

But  I  must  not  dwell  upon  these  now  long-for- 
gotten incidents,  for  the  boys  of  my  generation 
were  then  too  young  to  bear  arms  and  now  should 
be  too  old  to  remember  the  hardships  of  a  struggle 
that  came  into  their  lives  when  the  fire  and  pas- 
sion of  coming  manhood  were  fiercest.  We  boys 
were  everywhere,  we  saw  everything,  we  grew  up 
in  an  atmosphere  in  which  human  suffering  and 
human  life  were  the  cards  with  which  men  played 
the  game  of  life  and  chance.  To  be  wounded,  to 
be  killed,  to  die  in  hospital  or  in  home  from  dis- 
ease contracted  in  camp  were  daily  experiences. 
And  if  such  happenings  did  not  come  there  was  no 
excitement, — nothing  to  arouse  the  deeper  pas- 


FEDERAL  TROOPS  IN  VILLAGE     83 

sions,  nothing  to  create  an  interest  in  the  day's 
adventure. 

Each  year  as  the  war  advanced  the  boys  older 
than  myself, — whose  companionship  I  shared, — 
enlisted  in  the  army;  and  though  still  of  tender 
age,  they  made  gallant  soldiers,  doing  faithful 
service  in  their  country's  cause.  One  by  one  these 
boys  were  cut  down  with  wounds  or  killed  in 
battle.  They  were  little  better  than  targets  for 
the  enemy's  bullets,  for,  knowing  little  of  the  cau- 
tion of  men  experienced  in  war,  they  rushed 
wildly  into  danger  and  lost  their  lives  from  heed- 
less exposure.  Of  the  ten  boys  who  were  my 
schoolmates  during  the  winter  of  1862-3  four 
were  inmates  of  hospitals  and  five  were  killed  in 
battle  before  the  close  of  the  war.  Four  of  these 
boys,  who  had  scarcely  passed  their  sixteenth 
birthday,  enlisted  during  the  spring  of  1864,  and 
were  killed  in  battle  before  the  end  of  the  year. 

I  mention  these  facts  to  show  the  spirit  of  our 
people  and  the  sacrifices  that  were  made  necessary 
by  the  fortunes  of  war ;  for  when  parents  and  rela- 
tives were  willing  to  give  their  sons  and  their 
dearest  ones  of  tender  age  to  the  defense  of  the 
South  the  limit  of  heroic  sacrifice  had  been  nearly 
reached.  When  the  surrender  came  I  had  scarcely 
reached  my  sixteenth  birthday,  yet  my  father  had 
selected  the  company  and  the  branch  of  service  in 
which  I  was  to  enlist,  and  a  few  weeks'  prolonga- 


84  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

tion  of  the  struggle  would  have  seen  me  an  en- 
listed soldier,  and  in  all  probability  I  would  not 
have  lived  to  write  this  story. 

It  was  a  common  remark  that  the  Confederate 
Government  had  robbed  the  cradle  and  the  grave 
in  its  demand  for  men.  The  conscript  officer  had 
raked  our  country  as  with  a  fine-tooth  comb,  and 
had  left  only  feeble  old  men  and  small  boys,  unfit 
for  military  service.  In  fact,  so  few  men  had  been 
left  to  cultivate  the  soil  and  care  for  our  women 
and  children  that  our  people  would  have  been 
almost  destitute  but  for  our  faithful  negro  men 
and  women.  When  the  Federal  troops  seized  our 
village  but  few  of  the  negroes  left  their  masters. 
The  vast  majority  consented  to  remain  with  their 
owners  and  work  for  our  people.  Only  one  of  my 
father's  negroes  ran  away.  Two  of  our  faithful 
old  negroes,  Lewis  and  Susan,  took  possession  of 
our  property  and  rendered  an  invaluable  service. 
Uncle  Lewis  cultivated  the  land  and  took  care  of 
what  live  stock  was  left  us,  while  Susan  managed 
the  kitchen,  dairy,  and  poultry.  These  two  old 
servants  were  as  careful  of  my  father's  interests 
as  if  they  owned  everything  on  the  place. 

The  persons  who  charge  the  Southern  people 
with  harshness  and  brutality  to  the  negro  slave  can 
have  no  better  answer  to  their  foul  slander  than 
the  behavior  of  the  negro  population  toward  the 
women  and  children  of  their  masters  during  the 


FEDERAL  TROOPS  IN  VILLAGE     85 

war.  Though  urged  to  acts  of  violence,  they  re- 
mained loyal  and  kind  to  the  people  who  owned 
them,  protected  their  lives  and  property  and  ren- 
dered a  domestic  service  that  no  servile  race  would 
have  discharged  if  the  bonds  of  servitude  had  held 
them.  Though  free  after  the  first  year  of  the 
war  to  leave  their  homes  and  go  North,  only  a  few 
took  advantage  of  this  opportunity.  Those  that 
remained  were  as  respectful,  obedient,  and  loyal 
as  though  a  war  for  their  liberation  was  not  in 
progress.  In  many  instances  these  faithful  old 
family  servants  showed  their  devotion  to  the  peo- 
ple who  had  raised  them,  and  who,  according  to 
the  Northern  idea,  had  enslaved  and  maltreated 
them. 

The  baseness  and  falseness  of  this  idea  was  re- 
pudiated by  the  slave  himself.  Thistles  do  not 
bear  figs,  nor  does  servitude  bring  love  and  loyalty 
for  the  oppressor.  If  the  Southern  land  was  de- 
based by  the  blighting  influence  of  slavery,  why 
was  the  negro  so  slow  in  trying  to  break  the 
shackles'?  Why,  when  the  opportunity  came,  did 
he  not  rise,  with  brutal  passion,  and  resent  the 
wrongs  that  had  been  heaped  upon  him  by  his 
master*?  We  know,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  that 
during  the  war,  with  very  few  exceptions,  the 
negroes  manifested  no  violence  nor  insurrection 
but  were  submissive,  kind,  and  loyal  to  the  people 
that  were  fighting  to  hold  them  in  slavery.     Why 


86  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

are  these  facts  as  stated?  An  explanation  will 
be  found,  I  believe,  in  the  character  and  disposi- 
tion of  the  negro  race;  and  then,  too,  the  older 
and  more  intelligent  negroes  believed  that  their 
race  was  not  yet  prepared  to  profit  by  freedom. 

The  negroes  were,  in  the  main,  a  happy  and 
contented  people,  unwilling  to  assume  the  re- 
sponsibilities that  their  independence  would  bring 
them.  They  realized  the  fact  that  when  brought 
into  an  industrial  competition  with  the  white  race 
they  would  experience  greater  hardship  than  had 
ever  been  their  lot  in  slavery.  They  foresaw  that 
several  generations  must  come  and  go  before  the 
privileges  of  freedom  would  equal  those  of  slavery. 
The  results  of  reconstruction  and  the  present  con- 
dition of  the  negro  race  in  the  South  have  demon- 
strated the  correctness  of  these  opinions  if  one  is 
willing  to  investigate  the  facts,  with  an  open  mind. 
The  older  negroes  were  the  first  to  experience  the 
bitter  fruits  of  their  liberation,  while  the  younger 
generations  have,  as  a  race,  failed  to  reach  the 
standard  that  their  emancipators  had  hoped  for. 

It  is  true  that  during  the  progress  of  the  war 
a  large  number  of  negroes  were  enlisted  in  the 
Federal  army  and  took  sides  with  the  North.  If 
we  study  the  influences  that  led  to  this  service  in 
behalf  of  the  Union  it  will  be  found  that  the 
bounty  money,  the  pay  for  military  service,  the 
excitement  and  display  of  the  soldier's  life  had 


FEDERAL  TROOPS  IN  VILLAGE     87 

more  to  do  with  their  enlistment  than  motives  of 
patriotism  or  a  spirit  of  revenge  toward  the  slave- 
owner of  the  South. 

In  the  Confederate  army  there  were  numbers 
of  negro  men  who  served  as  teamsters,  orderlies 
and  employees.  These  negroes  were  as  loyal  to 
the  South  as  were  those  of  their  race  in  the  service 
of  the  North.  Had  the  Confederate  Government 
enlisted  and  armed  the  negro,  there  is  little  doubt 
that  he  would  have  made  an  efficient  and  cou- 
rageous soldier  in  the  Southern  ranks.  The  policy 
of  the  Confederate  Government  was  to  keep  the 
negro  a  non-combatant  and  to  make  use  of  his 
services  as  a  laborer  in  the  field  or  on  public  works, 
such  as  forts  and  fortifications.  Many  of  the 
negroes  remained  on  the  farms  and  plantations 
and  raised  supplies  for  the  armies  in  the  field. 
There  were  probably  two  strong  considerations 
which  led  to  this  policy;  the  stronger  of  which  was 
that  the  negro  was  valuable  personal  property,  and 
his  owner  was  unwilling  to  have  his  life  en- 
dangered by  active  military  service.  The  slave- 
owner was  willing  to  expose  the  life  of  his  son  to 
the  hazard  of  war  but  not  his  negro. 

I  may  illustrate  this  statement  by  a  case  that  I 
know  to  be  true.  A  young  Confederate  officer, 
whose  father  owned  a  valuable  negro  man,  wrote 
home  to  his  father  requesting  the  use  of  this  negro 
for  his  personal  services.     The  father  refused  the 


88         THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

son's  request,  with  the  very  innocent  (?)  state- 
ment that  he  feared  his  slave  might  be  killed  in 
battle.  He  did  not  seem  to  think  that  his  son's 
life  was  equally  as  valuable  as  that  of  his  negro 
servant.  This  was  not  an  isolated  case  if  the  facts 
be  known.  It  represents  a  principle  that  had 
much  to  do  with  the  defeat  of  the  Southern  cause. 
It  can  hardly  be  a  surprise  why  the  South  went 
down  in  disaster  when  patriotism  was  often 
shackled  by  such  a  narrow  policy.  Who  doubts 
but  that  when  the  States  of  the  South  announced 
to  the  world  their  withdrawal  from  the  Union,  in 
defense  of  the  right  of  self-government,  if  they 
had  stated  as  their  policy  a  gradual  emancipation 
of  the  negro,  the  Confederate  Government  would 
have  been  established  upon  an  enduring  basis'? 
Does  not  the  South  owe  her  humiliation  to  the 
narrow  policy  of  contending  for  the  extension  of 
the  institution  of  slavery, — an  institution  con- 
demned by  the  almost  universal  sentiment  of  civil- 
ized nations'?  She  stood  alone  in  her  contention 
for  human  slavery, — no  doubt  honestly  and,  as  she 
believed,  for  the  best  interest  of  the  negro  race; 
yet,  as  the  war  progressed,  she  had  the  opportunity 
to  modify  her  position  and  to  declare  for  a  system 
of  gradual  emancipation,  which  would  have  met 
all  the  conditions  of  her  political  and  national 
independence. 

Slavery  in  the  South  was  doomed  when  the  first 


FEDERAL  TROOPS  IN  VILLAGE     89 

gun  was  fired  from  Fort  Sumter.  Had  the  Con- 
federate Government  succeeded  by  arms,  the 
gradual  emancipation  of  the  negro  would  have 
come  as  surely  as  the  night  follows  the  day;  for 
the  Southern  Confederacy  could  not  have  held  a 
dominant  position  among  civilized  nations,  with 
slavery  undermining  the  very  life  upon  which 
nations  live  and  prosper. 

In  the  border  States  the  principles  of  gradual 
emancipation  grew  stronger  and  stronger  as  the 
war  progressed.  With  the  successful  establish- 
ment of  a  Confederate  Government  this  principle 
would  have  prevailed  in  the  border  States  and 
would  gradually  have  extended  to  the  large  slave- 
holding  States.  The  element  of  time  was  only 
needed  to  bring  into  force  a  policy  that  would  have 
made  negro  slavery  disappear  by  gradual  steps  as 
the  negro  was  prepared  to  exercise  the  privileges 
of  freedom. 

In  the  light  of  results  we  may  vainly  speculate 
on  things  that  might  have  been.  The  mistakes 
of  rulers  and  of  governments  have  filled  history 
with  innumerable  crimes.  Time  must  show 
whether  the  war  between  the  States  was  worth  all 
it  cost  in  blood  and  treasure.  This  claim  has  been 
made  by  some  of  our  most  distinguished  men  who 
took  an  active  part  in  the  bitter  struggle  between 
the  North  and  the  South, — notably  by  General 
Grant  in  his  "Memoirs."     The  men  of  my  genera- 


90  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

tion  have  not  fully  assented  to  this  view.  We 
live  too  near  the  period  of  reconstruction  that 
followed  the  war  to  forget  the  humiliation  that 
was  heaped  upon  the  South  by  the  political  party 
that  dominated  the  Federal  Government  for  a 
quarter  of  a  century  following  the  conclusion  of 
peace.  The  four  years'  bitter  struggle  with  arms 
does  not  represent  the  full  sufferings  of  the  South- 
ern people  in  the  contest  they  made  to  secure  their 
political  freedom  and  to  establish  the  civilization 
of  the  South  upon  a  basis  of  law  and  order.  She 
has  ever  fought  for  the  Anglo-Saxon  domination, 
for  equal  rights,  and  justice  in  the  government  of 
the  nation. 

We  have  been  told  but  little  of  the  doings,  of 
the  suffering,  or  of  the  spirit  of  the  old  men,  the 
women,  and  the  children  who  were  afflicted  by  the 
civil  or  foreign  wars  in  which  their  fathers,  hus- 
bands, and  brothers  were  involved. 

The  history  of  the  War  between  the  States  has 
been  written  from  many  points  of  view,  but  I  have 
been  unable  to  find  a  work  of  personal  reminis- 
cences which  gives  pictures  of  individual  acts  and 
actors  or  a  story  of  the  inner  life  of  the  people  who 
stayed  at  home  and  bore  the  sufferings  of  war  with- 
out murmur  and  without  weakness  of  spirit. 

In  the  contests  between  nations  and  peoples  of 
kindred  blood  the  courage  and  heroism  of  the  peo- 
ple who  have  remained  at  home  have  played  an 


FEDERAL  TROOPS  IN  VILLAGE     91 

important  part  in  the  results  of  war.  To  the  valor 
of  our  Colonial  ancestors  we  owe  the  final  success 
of  the  Revolutionary  forces  that  for  eight  years 
maintained  a  struggle  for  independence,  which 
would  not  have  been  won  but  for  the  patriotism 
of  the  men,  women,  and  children  at  home.  In  our 
Civil  War  the  vast  odds  against  the  South  were 
held  in  check  by  the  Home  Guard, — the  old  men, 
the  women,  and  the  children.  They  gave  hope 
and  inspiration  to  the  men  in  the  field,  and  by  their 
unyielding  spirit  they  made  the  struggle  for  in- 
dependence a  contest  of  endurance, — a  contest 
that  ended  only  because  of  complete  exhaustion. 

History  has  been  too  silent  in  its  estimate  of 
these  quiet  forces  that  have  had  the  greatest  in- 
fluence over  men  in  arms,  over  rulers,  and  leaders 
of  public  affairs.  When,  at  the  conclusion  of  the 
Third  Silesian  War,  Frederick  the  Great,  with  his 
five  million  Prussians,  had  dissolved  the  coalition 
of  Russia,  France,  and  Austria,  with  one  hundred 
million  population,  and  his  country  lay  prostrate 
in  the  dust,  all  property  and  resources  destroyed, 
cities  and  villages  deserted,  there  was  only  one 
pillar  of  strength  left:  the  invincible  spirit  and 
patriotism  of  the  people, — a  determination  to 
perish  or  win  out  in  the  struggle  for  national 
life. 

The  men,  women,  and  children  in  the  South 
were  filled  with  this  spirit,  and  I  deny  that  it  can 


92  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

be  shown  that  these  suffering  people  at  any  time 
weakened  in  courage,  valor,  or  endurance. 

It  can  be  shown,  to  the  contrary,  that  they  bore 
their  privations  and  hardships  at  home  and  urged 
their  friends  and  loved  ones  in  the  army  to  remain 
faithful  to  their  country's  cause. 

I  have  tried  to  tell  in  this  story  a  few  things 
which  our  non-combatant  population  in  the  South 
did  during  the  four  years  of  strife.  The  details 
are  short  and,  perhaps,  of  minor  importance  but 
they  have  a  practical  relation  to  the  events  that 
were  going  on,  if  not  a  positive  influence  over  the 
spirit  of  the  times.  The  men  and  women  who 
write  the  poems  and  songs  that  inspire  a  people 
with  a  spirit  of  zeal  and  patriotism  play  a  noble 
part  in  the  life  of  nations.  It  may  be  said  with 
equal  justice  that  the  fathers,  mothers,  wives,  and 
sisters  who  give  life  and  courage  to  the  men  who 
fight  battles  are  powerful  influences  in  determining 
the  actions  and  fates  of  peoples  and  nations.  All 
public  sentiment  is  modified  and  molded  by  the 
influences  of  home  life  and  those  men  who  seek  to 
direct  the  life  of  a  people  in  opposition  to  these  in- 
fluences are  working  against  dangerous  odds.  The 
common  sense  and  justice  of  home  thinking  is  the 
great  safeguard  of  national  life  and  liberty.  As 
our  rulers  cultivate  and  enlarge  the  life,  spirit,  and 
wisdom  of  the  home  to  the  same  extent  do  they 


FEDERAL  TROOPS  IN  VILLAGE     93 

advance  the  cause  of  good  morals  and  sane  govern- 
ment. 

The  social  and  domestic  life  of  the  Southern 
people  was  built  upon  the  home  as  its  foundation. 
The  home  dominated  the  spirit  and  influenced 
society,  regulated  its  morals,  and  erected  standards 
that  made  a  civilization  of  rare  virtue,  culture,  and 
refinement.  The  population  of  the  South  was 
largely  rural.  There  were  no  large  cities  at  the 
beginning  of  the  civil  war  and  no  great  commercial 
or  manufacturing  centers.  Life  on  the  plantation 
and  farm  gave  health  and  vigor  of  mind  and  body, 
and  cultivated  a  spirit  of  chivalry  and  manliness, 
— a  spirit  that  held  woman  in  the  highest  esteem. 
It  was  this  aspect  of  domestic  life  that  gave  the 
Confederate  soldier  daring  and  confidence  in 
battle,  patience  under  privation,  and  endurance  in 
the  long  struggle  for  national  independence. 

The  influence  of  the  home  was  with  him  in  the 
camp,  on  the  march,  in  battle,  in  hospital,  and  in 
prison.  He  seldom  lost  sight  of  the  claims  of 
duty,  of  patriotism,  or  of  home  ties  and  obliga- 
tions. 

When  disaster  came  to  the  Southern  cause  this 
same  spirit  of  chivalry,  of  home  life,  and  love  of 
the  land's  domestic  institutions  clung  to  the  men 
and  women  of  the  South;  and  during  the  trying 
days  of  reconstruction  they  never  wavered  in  their 


94  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

loyalty  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  rule.  In  the  racial 
struggle  between  master  and  slave  there  was  no 
compromise  with  conditions  that  threatened  to 
destroy  a  civilization  of  rare  virtue  and  culture. 
Step  by  step  the  racial  difficulties  were  removed 
and  the  proper  relations  between  the  white  man 
and  the  negro  were  adjusted.  History  will  grant 
to  the  people  of  the  South  rare  patience  and  for- 
bearance in  solving  a  domestic  problem  made  em- 
barrassing by  national  laws  and  political  animosi- 
ties. To-day  the  South  has  come  to  know  her 
duty  to  a  nation  that  her  forefathers  labored  to 
establish.  She  realizes  her  relation  to  this  na- 
tional life,  the  value  of  her  influence  in  national 
affairs,  and  her  patriotism  and  loyalty  to  a  gov- 
ernment that  now  leads  the  world  in  the  general 
uplift  of  humanity. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE    SOUTHERN    WOMAN.       THE    DOMESTIC 
LIFE    OF    OUR    PEOPLE 

While  writing  up  these  recollections  of  our  men 
and  boys  I  must  not  neglect  to  relate  some  of  my 
observations  on  our  Southern  women,  whose 
loyalty  and  devotion  to  the  Southern  cause  knew 
no  bounds. 

In  my  section  of  Virginia,  the  larger  number  of 
the  women  had  been  brought  up  under  the  institu- 
tion of  slavery  and  knew  little  of  the  hard 
drudgery  of  domestic  service.  They  had  been 
taught  to  direct  the  management  of  the  home  and 
to  do  light  needlework,  but  they  relied  almost  en- 
tirely on  the  old  negro  women  and  young  negro 
girls  to  do  the  heavy  work  about  the  kitchen  and 
in  the  house.  In  nearly  every  large  family  there 
was  an  old  negro  "Mammie,"  as  she  was  called, 
who  took  general  charge  of  the  domestic  care  of 
the  house  and  managed  the  young  negro  girls  em- 
ployed about  the  home. 

This  old  negro  "Mammie"  had  usually  nursed 
the  children  and  looked  after  their  clothes  and 
comforts.  The  negro  cook  not  only  prepared  the 
meals  but  usually  milked  the  cows,  attended  to 

95 


96  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

the  dairy  and  poultry  and,  as  a  rule,  bossed  the 
other  negroes.  Young  negro  women  were  trained 
to  wait  on  the  table,  to  clean  the  house  and  to  do 
the  heavy  needlework  required  for  the  children 
and  negro  men  on  the  farm.  In  some  families 
these  negro  women  carded  the  wool,  ran  the  spin- 
ning-wheel, knitted  the  socks  and,  not  infre- 
quently, worked  the  hand  loom,  for  in  those  slave 
da}rs  few  manufactured  clothes  were  bought. 
They  were  made  on  the  farm,  largely  by  negro 
labor.  Hence  the  negress  was  an  important 
factor  in  the  home  life  of  the  Southern  woman. 
If  of  agreeable  manners,  she  was  much  respected 
and  beloved  by  the  children  on  the  place. 

I  knew  a  number  of  these  female  servants  in 
the  homes  of  our  old  families  who  were  treated 
with  almost  as  much  consideration  as  the  children 
of  the  family. 

A  relationship  was  established  through  this 
domestic  service  which  brought  the  servant  into 
close  contact  with  the  mistress  and  children  of 
the  home, — a  contact  that  was  mutually  ad- 
vantageous, and  these  servants  were  trained  not 
only  to  work  but  often  were  taught  lessons  in 
reading  and  writing  as  well  as  religion  and  morals. 
When  the  war  came  almost  all  of  these  old  family 
servants  remained  in  their  old  homes,  and  were 
simply  invaluable  in  the  domestic  service  they 
were  able  to  render. 


THE  SOUTHERN  WOMAN  97 

It  soon  became  evident  to  our  Virginia  women, 
in  my  section  at  least,  that  the  war  meant  destruc- 
tion of  slavery,  and  that  they  would  soon  be  called 
upon  to  perform  all  the  harder  duties  of  the 
home. 

It  has  always  been  a  surprise  to  me  to  see  how 
soon  our  women, — old  and  young, — were  able  to 
adjust  themselves  to  new  conditions.  As  the  war 
progressed  they  were  all  fired  with  the  same  ideals 
of  self-sacrifice  that  inspired  the  men  in  arms; 
beginning  at  once  to  assume  duties  and  labors  that 
had  been  considered  menial  before  the  war.  They 
took  to  carding,  spinning,  knitting,  and  weav- 
ing; and  they  not  only  dyed  the  yarn  and  manu- 
factured the  cloth  but  cut  and  made  wearing  ap- 
parel for  themselves  and  for  the  men  and  chil- 
dren. This  was  the  rule;  and  the  only  excep- 
tions were  found  in  small  families  with  liberal 
means  or  with  those  who  lived  in  large  communi- 
ties where  articles  of  clothing  could  be  bought. 

Many  of  our  women  and  girls  took  a  personal 
interest  in  the  garden,  in  poultry  and  in  the  dairy, 
when  the  occasion  required.  I  have  seen  small 
girls  and  boys  milking  the  cows  and  feeding 
the  poultry  and  small  animals  on  the  place — 
children  whose  parents  had  never  dreamed  of  such 
a  menial  service.  Yet  in  doing  this  the  dignity 
and  spirit  of  the  child  was  not  lowered.  It  was 
considered  a  privilege  to  make  any  sacrifice  of 


98  THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

false  pride  when  the  condition  of  the  times  re- 
quired it. 

As  the  war  continued  these  duties  became  nec- 
essary and  entered  into  the  life  of  all  as  the  out- 
come of  the  social  and  political  upheaval  we 
were  passing  through. 

Now,  while  our  women  were  fast  adjusting 
themselves  to  a  more  active  and  laborious  domes- 
tic service,  they  were  not  neglectful  of  the  re- 
finements and  culture  of  the  home.  They  played 
on  the  piano,  sang  war  songs,  and  read  good  litera- 
ture, with  as  much  interest  as  ever.  The  hospi- 
tality of  the  home  was  as  abounding, — if  not  as 
lavish, — as  it  had  been.  We  boys  and  girls  of  ten- 
der age  had  our  social  pleasures  and  our  simple 
sports.  When  we  did  not  have  skates  we  coasted 
the  hill  on  a  plank  board  with  as  much  fun  as 
can  be  had  from  a  modern  sled.  When  we  did 
not  have  good  horses  and  comfortable  saddles  we 
rode  barebacked  or  on  a  blanket  on  old  nags  re- 
tired from  army  service.  We  found  as  much 
pleasure  in  this  simple  life  as  our  parents  had 
experienced  under  the  ease  and  indulgence  of 
slavery  before  the  war. 

The  saddest  experience  which  came  into  our 
home  life  was  the  loss  of  some  dear  friend  in  the 
army,  for  the  loss  of  property,  with  all  its  hard- 
ships, was  accepted  with  a  stoicism  which  was  al- 
most heroic.     I  could  relate  numerous  incidents 


THE  SOUTHERN  WOMAN  99 

to  illustrate  the  self-sacrifices  and  hardships  which 
came  to  many  of  our  women,  such  as  the  death 
of  husband,  father,  brother,  and  lover;  but  these 
were  the  fatalities  of  war  which  were  accepted  as 
loyal  contributions  to  the  cause  of  the  South. 
These  deaths  were  often  pathetic,  as  where  the 
only  son  of  the  widowed  mother,  the  father  of  a 
family  of  small  children,  or  the  accepted  lover  of 
some  noble  girl,  were  killed  in  battle  or  died  from 
disease  or  wounds  in  a  hospital  far  from  home. 
Few  families  in  our  community  escaped  these  sor- 
rows. They  were  a  common  heritage  which  all 
bore  with  bleeding  hearts  but  with  honest  pride 
and  loyal  fortitude. 

With  what  painful  sorrow  do  I  recall  the  ex- 
perience of  a  family,  related  to  me  by  ties  of 
blood  and  early  affections,  which  gave  up  the  only 
son,  the  pride  and  hope  of  a  widowed  mother  and 
three  single  sisters,  and  the  accepted  lover  of  a 
noble  woman.  He  had  been  wounded  in  battle 
at  Williamsburg,  and  after  lingering  some  weeks, 
he  had  died  in  the  home  of  a  family  in  that  place. 
While  he  was  on  his  bed  of  illness  his  own  home 
in  Virginia  was  surrounded  by  Federal  troops,  a 
beautiful  estate  had  been  torn  to  pieces,  and  the 
greater  portion  of  the  live  stock  had  been  driven 
away.  A  younger  sister  lay  ill  with  typhoid 
fever  in  the  house  at  the  same  time,  anxiously 
calling  out  in  her  delirium  for  her  brother,  whose 


ioo        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

death  was  announced  to  his  family  a  few  hours 
before  she  passed  away.  In  her  last  lucid  mo- 
ments she  had  seen  grief  pictured  in  the  face  of 
her  aged  mother  and  had  cried  out,  "Oh,  mother ! 
brother  is  dead;  I  must  join  him."  In  a  few  hours 
her  spirit  had  gone  to  join  the  noble  fellow. 

These  two  deaths,  with  all  the  surrounding  cir- 
cumstances, would  have  destroyed  the  hopes  and 
the  happiness  of  the  strongest  character;  yet  this 
widow  and  her  two  daughters  bore  their  sorrow 
with  a  courage  equal  to  that  of  the  Spartan  mother 
who  preferred  to  have  her  son's  body  borne  home 
on  a  shield  rather  than  live  in  dishonor.  These 
noble  women, — mother,  sisters  and  sweetheart,- — 
now  all  gone  to  rest,  came  out  of  the  war  stripped 
of  all  their  personal  property,  their  lands  in  com- 
mons and  all  the  farm  buildings  in  ruins.  During 
all  these  troubles  their  faithful  old  negro  servants 
remained  loyal  to  them  and  took  care  of  them.  I 
know  of  no  family  in  our  section  that  experienced 
so  severely  the  hardships  of  war  as  did  this  family. 
I  know  of  no  instance  in  all  my  experience  where 
the  spirit  of  noble  womanhood  stood  so  high, 
walked  so  courageously,  and  bowed  with  so 
deep  reverence  before  the  throne  of  the  Great 
King. 

I  am  going  to  relate  an  incident  that  goes  to 
show  just  what  this  family  stood  for,  just  what 
struggle  it  made,  and  just  what  spirit  and  human 


THE  SOUTHERN  WOMAN        101 

character  can  endure  when  mind  and  heart  are 
made  resolute  by  misfortune. 

In  December,  1863,  the  oldest  daughter  of  this 
family  had  by  the  aid  of  the  negro  servants  pre- 
pared a  large  bundle  of  woolen  and  cotton  yarn 
for  the  weaver.  The  yarn  had  been  dyed  in  dif- 
ferent colors  for  the  making  of  linsey  cloth.  As 
the  only  loom  that  could  weave  this  yarn  was 
located  in  a  section  of  the  county  some  eight 
or  nine  miles  distant,  the  problems  arose,  how  to 
get  the  yarn  to  the  weaver,  and  how  to  explain 
the  manner  of  making  it  into  cloth.  The  lady  in 
question  decided  to  make  this  trip  in  person  on 
horseback,  while  I  and  a  faithful  negro  woman 
were  selected  to  accompany  her;  which  we  did, 
mounted  on  old  horses,  and  between  us  we  car- 
ried the  yarn  tied  up  in  bundles.  Our  route  lay 
across  the  river  which  had  to  be  forded. 

When  we  came  to  the  river,  we  found  it  flush 
and  its  surface  covered  with  floating  ice.  The 
morning  was  bitter  cold,  the  road  was  rough  and 
hard  frozen,  and  the  trip  was  one  of  unusual  diffi- 
culty at  that  season  of  the  year.  My  father  ac- 
companied us  as  far  as  the  river.  The  lady  and 
the  negro  woman  were  carried  across  the  river  in 
a  small  skiff  while  my  father  and  I  forded  the 
stream,  leading  the  horses.  The  water  came  well 
above  the  flanks  of  my  horse  and  the  floating  ice 
cut  keenly,   but  we  got  across   without  mishap. 


102        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

The  women  then  mounted  their  horses  and  we 
rode  to  the  weaver's  home,  where  the  yarn  was 
left.  That  night  the  two  women  stopped  at  the 
home  of  a  relative  of  the  lady  while  I  rode  some 
three  miles  further  to  the  home  of  a  relative, 
where  I  spent  the  night.  When  I  was  within  sight 
of  the  house,  the  horse  I  was  riding  slipped  and 
fell  on  the  ice;  but  I  got  her  on  her  feet  and  led 
her  to  the  house. 

The  following  morning  when  I  started  for 
home  the  poor  animal  was  so  lame  that  she  could 
scarcely  walk.  I  led  her  six  miles  back  to  my 
home  that  day,  walking  the  distance  until  I  came 
to  the  river  which  I  forded  on  her  back.  I  never 
think  of  this  experience  without  recalling  the  hard- 
ship it  imposed  on  my  two  female  companions. 
They  remained  in  the  country  until  the  weather 
moderated.  I  was  young  and  tough  and  bore 
the  trip  much  better  than  my  poor  mare  that  was 
some  weeks  in  getting  over  her  lameness. 

This  incident,  as  simple  as  it  may  be,  tells  the 
story  of  a  refined,  delicate  and  gentle  woman,  who 
before  the  war  lived  in  baronial  comfort,  and  had 
under  the  necessities  of  the  war  undertaken  the 
work  of  making  a  trip  into  a  wild  section  of  the 
country  that  she  might  secure  the  weaving  of  ma- 
terial to  make  dresses  for  her  family  and  servants. 
This  is  only  one  of  a  number  of  similar  experi- 
ences. 


THE  SOUTHERN  WOMAN         103 

To  write  up  this  history  of  the  war  from  my 
point  of  view, — to  tell  all  that  our  old  men, 
women  and  children  went  through, — would  re- 
quire an  abler  and  clearer  head  than  I  possess. 
I  have  tried  to  bring  out  one  fact — that  our  non- 
combatant  population  was  fired  with  all  the  zeal 
and  patriotism  of  the  Southern  heart,  that  it  went 
into  the  cruel  war  and  accepted  the  results,  with 
the  same  motive  and  unselfish  loyalty  as  inspired 
the  men  who  fought  the  battles  to  the  end,  and 
who  either  gave  up  their  lives  or  laid  down  their 
arms  contending  for  principles  they  believed  to 
be  right. 


'j-.* 


In  duty's  path  they  firmly  trod, 
Obedient  to  their  sacred  trust; 
Believing  in  Almighty  God, 
The  cause  they  loved  to  them  was  just. 

The  severity  and  length  of  the  war  put  an  enor- 
mous strain  on  the  endurance,  loyalty  and  char- 
acter of  our  non-combatant  population;  and  the 
way  in  which  this  strain  was  met  will  ever  be 
a  credit  to  the  heroic  spirit  and  fortitude  of  our 
old  men,  our  women,  and  our  young  children, — 
a  proud  legacy  to  their  descendants  in  coming 
generations.  My  purpose  in  writing  this  story 
of  the  war  is  to  preserve  in  historic  form  the 
records  of  those  stirring  times,  so  that  those  who 
follow   my   generation   may   have    a   picture   of 


104        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

events  which  actually  occurred  and  may  see  in  the 
lives  of  their  ancestors  those  qualities  of  mind  and 
heart  that  go  to  make  character  and  righteous  liv- 
ing the  ideals  of  coming  generations.  I  have  al- 
ready stated  that  the  population  of  my  county 
was  almost  entirely  made  up  of  pure  English 
blood.  The  ancestors  of  our  people  came  into 
Virginia  during  the  Cromwellian  period  and  set- 
tled in  the  Tydewater  section  of  the  State,  grad- 
ually moving  westward  and  taking  up  the  lands 
in  the  Piedmont  district  along  the  eastern  borders 
of  the  Blue  Ridge,  later  going  across  the  moun- 
tain into  the  beautiful  and  fertile  Valley  of  the 
Shenandoah.  The  first  settlers  located  in  the 
Valley  about  1640,  and  from  that  time  on  the 
region  west  of  the  Blue  Ridge  became  the  home 
of  the  best  blood  in  the  state.  The  first  settlers 
brought  with  them  the  social  customs  and  habits 
of  the  people  east  of  the  mountain,  and  gave  to 
the  settlement  a  character  of  high  culture  and  re- 
finement. Many  of  these  families  brought  with 
them  their  negro  servants  and  these  negroes  be- 
came the  progenitors  of  the  negroes  of  the  Valley. 
The  institution  of  slavery  introduced  into  the 
Valley  counties  represented  the  highest  type  of 
slavery;  for  the  scanty  settlement  and  the  widely 
separated  homes  of  the  people  during  the  Colo- 
nial period  brought  the  master  and  servant  into 
the  closest  relations  of  mutual  service  and  help- 


THE  SOUTHERN  WOMAN        105 

ful  dependence.  In  this  way  the  old  family  serv- 
ant became  the  intimate  friend  of  the  household, 
and  was  held  in  warm  esteem  by  master,  mistress, 
and  all  of  the  children.  The  descendants  of  these 
old  negroes  were  handed  down  from  generation 
to  generation  and  made  up  the  negro  population 
of  the  Valley  counties. 

There  was  almost  no  buying  and  selling  of 
negroes  in  my  section.  The  traffic  in  human  flesh 
was  confined  almost  entirely  to  cases  of  necessity, 
where  property  interests  required  a  division  of 
estates  or  the  necessary  payment  of  debts. 
Through  inheritance  our  negro  population  in- 
creased with  the  growth  of  the  white  population, 
and  as  family  estates  were  divided  by  the  death 
of  parents  the  heirs  came  into  the  possession  of 
the  slaves  willed  to  them.  This  heredity  feature 
of  slave  ownership  surrounded  the  negro  with  the 
strongest  ties  of  friendship  and  affection,  and  gave 
him  a  position  in  the  family  that  was  often  held 
in  highest  esteem  by  the  servant  and  engendered 
a  deep  sense  of  responsibility  in  his  owner. 

While  the  negro  slave  was  regarded  as  a  serv- 
ant and  a  dependent,  his  feelings  and  his  rights 
were  respected  and  he  was  treated  with  considera- 
tion and  kindness.  His  services  were  made 
valuable  to  his  owner  in  proportion  to  the  care 
given  to  his  health  and  training.  He  was  used 
as  a  laborer  in  the  house  and  in  the  field,  and  his 


io6        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

burdens  were  no  heavier  than  those  imposed  upon 
the  white  laborer,  nor  sometimes  even  upon  the 
children  of  his  owner.  In  sickness  and  in  old  age 
the  slave  was  kindly  cared  for.  He  was  well 
clothed  and  fed  and  his  surroundings  were  made 
to  contribute  to  his  happiness.  If  there  were 
exceptions  to  this  rule  they  were  so  uncommon 
as  to  be  classed  with  the  hardships  not  infre- 
quently imposed  upon  children  by  unkind  par- 
ents. 

Until  the  John  Brown  Raid  the  negroes  in  my 
section  of  Virginia  were  contented  and  happy. 
They  had  expressed  no  desire  for  freedom,  and 
when,  during  the  war,  the  opportunity  came  to 
them  to  exercise  this  privilege,  less  than  20  per 
cent,  took  advantage  of  it.  The  loyalty  and  de- 
votion of  the  negro  to  his  owner  during  the  war 
is  the  best  proof  of  his  contentment  with  his  posi- 
tion as  a  slave.  These  facts  should  set  at  rest 
the  tales  of  calumny  heaped  upon  the  slave- 
owners of  the  South  by  Northern  fanatics.  If 
there  was  a  rational  ground  for  the  abolition  of 
negro  slavery,  it  was  to  be  found  in  a  higher  senti- 
ment than  was  used  for  his  emancipation.  Our 
people  were  not  wedded  to  the  institution  of 
slavery. 

Since  the  negro  had  come  to  the  vast  majority 
of  our  slaveowners  by  inheritance,  these  owners 
were   no  more   responsible   for   this   inheritance, 


THE  SOUTHERN  WOMAN        107 

the  possession  of  slaves,  than  for  any  other  form 
of  property.  As  a  domestic  institution  slavery 
was  regarded  by  many  as  of  greater  advantage  to 
the  negro  than  to  the  white  race.  To  them  it 
represented  a  civilizing  influence, — an  influence 
that  was  gradually  raising  an  inferior  race  to  a 
higher  plane  of  useful  service  and  that  was  pre- 
paring the  race  for  the  duties  of  a  citizenship  that 
would  in  time  make  him  self-respecting  and  self- 
supporting  when  placed  in  competition  with  the 
laborer  of  other  races.  The  people  who  owned  the 
negro  fully  understood  his  spirit  and  nature  and 
they  saw  no  advantage  to  the  race  from  a  forced 
freedom  from  restraint  and  a  sudden  investment 
with  rights  he  was  not  prepared  to  exercise. 

It  was  such  views  as  I  have  mentioned  that 
led  the  slaveowner  to  resist  the  spirit  of  aboli- 
tionism that  had  swept  over  the  North.  It  was 
no  doubt  this  same  spirit  that  led  the  Confederate 
Government  to  hold  on  to  the  institution  until 
the  end  of  the  war.  Neither  the  people  of  the 
North  nor  those  of  the  South  fully  realized  the 
full  meaning  and  intent  of  this  antislavery  move- 
ment, and  both  sections  were  carried  off  of  their 
feet  by  emotions  that  were  kindled  by  passion, 
prejudice  and  self-interest.  The  true  interests  of 
the  negro  race  were  lost  sight  of  in  the  contentions 
over  a  situation  that  neither  section  fully  under- 
stood. 


108        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

It  has  taken  fifty  years  of  reconstruction  to  ad- 
just this  racial  difficulty,  and  it  is  not  yet  settled 
in  a  way  to  satisfy  the  claims  of  both  races. 
While  slavery  has  been  abolished  in  the  sense  of 
property  interest,  the  negro  is  in  all  those  per- 
sonal characteristics  which  belong  to  an  inferior 
race  as  much  a  slave  to-day  as  he  was  before  the 
Civil  War.  He  still  struggles  in  poverty  and 
disease;  he  fills  our  almshouses,  hospitals,  and 
jails  to  a  far  greater  degree  than  ever  was  known 
under  slavery.  It  is  true  that  a  few  of  the  race 
have  risen  to  useful  and  deserving  positions,  have 
accumulated  property,  and  have  received  educa- 
tional training;  but  the  vast  majority,  now  crowd- 
ing our  towns  and  cities,  are  as  degraded  as  any 
laboring  class  can  become.  Until  the  ideals  of 
the  race  are  based  upon  racial  pride  and  a  desire 
for  racial  purity  and  segregation  from  other  races 
the  negro  will  never  arrive  at  a  true  status  of  his 
own  racial  value.  He  has  characteristics  and  en- 
dowments that  should  make  for  his  great  uplift  in 
the  world's  service  and  for  his  own  happiness. 
He  has  energy  of  body,  cheerfulness  of  spirit,  and 
a  philosophy  of  life  which  make  for  contentment 
and  the  highest  social  enjoyment;  and  when  he 
has  learned  to  live  for  himself  and  for  his  own 
blood,  has  abandoned  the  aspirations  for  a  social 
and  marital  union  with  other  races,  and  believes 
fully  in  the  destiny  of  the  pure  negro  blood  he 


THE  SOUTHERN  WOMAN        109 

will  have  won  a  victory  for  his  race  that  may  be 
the  envy  of  many  of  the  more  favored  races. 

The  happiness  of  the  negro  in  slavery  grew  out 
of  his  innocence  and  want  of  worldly  pride.  He 
was  satisfied  with  himself  and  with  his  surround- 
ings so  long  as  his  appetites  were  gratified  and  he 
had  the  freedom  of  a  buoyant  life.  He  was  will- 
ing to  work  and  to  do  hard  service;  but  he  loved 
his  music  and  his  song,  the  frivolities  and  light 
joys  of  the  cabin  or  of  the  farm.  He  was  a  true 
child  of  nature  and  lived  close  to  nature's  heart, 
with  a  love  of  the  wild  and  picturesque,  with  a 
touch  of  that  freshness  of  sympathy  and  feeling 
for  the  lower  animal  world  around  him ;  as  shown 
by  his  love  for  the  horse,  the  dog,  and  the  small 
animals  he  often  kept  as  pets.  He  often  personi- 
fied these  dumb  animals  and  held  imaginary  con- 
versations with  them. 

At  heart  the  negro  slave,  as  I  knew  him,  was 
seldom  cruel.  He  loved  to  fish  and  to  hunt  but 
seldom  was  unmerciful.  His  true  nature  was 
benevolent,  and  responded  to  kindness  with  deep 
appreciation  and  loyal  gratitude.  For  that  rea- 
son he  had  the  warmest  attachment  for  his  owner 
when  treated  with  kindness,  and  this  affection  was 
shown  in  generous  attentions  to  the  infant  or  chil- 
dren of  his  master. 

I  can  never  forget  the  love  and  devotion  of 
my  father's  servants  to  me  as  a  child,  and  I  want 


no        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

to  rescue  the  memories  of  these  old  negroes  from 
the  obloquies  which  are  so  often  cast  upon  the 
race  by  people  who  have  had  little  experience  with 
the  old  negro  slave.  Many  of  the  happiest  days 
of  my  childhood  were  spent  with  our  old  family 
servants  and  I  had  quite  as  much  affection  for 
them  as  for  some  who  were  related  by  ties  of 
blood.  My  experience  is  not  an  exceptional  one. 
There  are  thousands  of  men  and  women  in  the 
South  to-da)'  who  can  verify  every  statement  I 
have  made,  and  who  treasure  the  same  kind 
recollections  of  the  old  family  servant  that  I  do. 
I  would  love  to  see  a  monument  raised  to  the 
memory  of  these  old  negroes  as  high  as  the  Eiffel 
Tower. 


CHAPTER  X 

THE    VALLEY    CAMPAIGN.       UNDER    FIRE 

On  May  21,  1862,  the  positions  of  the  Con- 
federate Army  and  the  Federal  in  the  Shenandoah 
Valley  were  as  follows : 

Stonewall  Jackson,  with  his  command,  held 
an  advanced  position  at  New  Market;  Ewell,  with 
his  division,  had  advanced  to  Luray  in  the  Page 
Valley.  The  combined  forces  under  Jackson  and 
Ewell  numbered  nearly  17,000  men, — the  largest 
force  which  Jackson  had  ever  commanded.  The 
forces  under  General  Banks  had  been  reduced  to 
10,000  men  distributed  as  follows:  At  Stras- 
burg,  about  7,500  infantry,  cavalry,  and  artillery; 
at  Winchester,  about  1,500  men;  at  Buckton 
Depot,  half-way  between  Strasburg  and  Front 
Royal,  two  companies  of  infantry  were  stationed ; 
at  Front  Royal  Colonel  Kenly  was  encamped 
with  the  First  Maryland  Federal  Regiment,  num- 
bering about  1,000  men,  and  two  guns;  at  Rector- 
town,  19  miles  east  of  Front  Royal,  General  Gary 
was  encamped  with  2,000  men. 

The  railroad  from  Washington  to  Strasburg 
had  been  put  in  service,  and  the  Federal  troops 
were    stationed    along    the    line    to    protect    it. 


112        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

Trains  were  in  daily  operation,  and  large  military 
supplies  and  troops  were  carried  between  Wash- 
ington and  Strasburg.  At  Front  Royal  many 
thousands  of  dollars  of  military  stores,  consisting 
of  arms,  ammunition,  clothes  and  provisions,  were 
housed  in  the  depot  for  distribution. 

The  Federal  disposition  of  its  troops  had  been 
arranged  with  a  view  to  permanent  possession  of 
the  territory  then  occupied  by  the  Union  forces; 
and  no  disturbance  of  this  arrangement  had  seem- 
ingly been  contemplated  by  the  enemy,  if  we  con- 
sider the  results  that  followed  within  the  next 
few  weeks.  The  object  of  the  Federal  authorities 
seemed  to  have  been  to  hold  Jackson  in  the  Valley, 
with  as  small  a  force  as  was  possible,  and  thus 
prevent  his  union  with  General  Lee  in  front  of 
Richmond.  A  large  number  of  men,  under 
Banks,  had  been  sent  from  the  Valley  to  reinforce 
McClellan  in  his  attack  on  Richmond. 

The  division  under  Shields,  that  had  encamped 
in  our  village  from  the  14th  to  the  16th  of  May, 
was  at  this  time  near  Fredericksburg,  on  its  way  to 
the  Peninsula.  There  seemed  to  be  a  total  mis- 
understanding of  Jackson's  strength  and  purpose 
by  the  Federals,  for  their  forces  in  the  Valley 
were  distributed  over  a  wide  territory  and  were 
located  at  vulnerable  points.  The  forces  at  Front 
Royal  were  utterly  insufficient  to  defend  a  flank 
movement  by  way  of  the  Page  Valley,  and  Banks' 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN         113 

position  at  Strasburg  was  exposed  to  attack  from 
the  rear.  Banks  was  evidently  acting  under  the 
assumption  that  Jackson  would  advance  by  the 
main  Valley  route,  and  he  was  prepared  to  de- 
fend his  position  in  front,  without  considering 
his  weakness  from  his  left  flank.  It  was  not  Jack- 
son's policy  to  run  up  against  great  difficulties 
that  could  not  be  met  without  great  sacrifices.  In 
strategy  he  was  bold  and  resourceful,  and  he  had 
the  faculty  of  doing  the  very  things  the  enemy  did 
not  expect.  Sending  a  small  body  of  cavalry 
down  the  main  Valley  to  produce  the  impression 
on  Banks  that  the  Confederates  were  advancing 
to  assault  him  in  front,  Jackson  broke  camp  at 
New  Market  and  crossed  the  Massanutton  moun- 
tain through  the  Luray  Gap  into  the  Page  Valley. 
At  Lura)'  he  joined  his  forces  with  those  of  Ewell 
and  on  May  22d,  1862,  the  combined  forces 
moved  north  by  the  road  to  Front  Royal,  and 
that  night  his  men  went  into  camp  at  Bentonville, 
10  miles  south  of  Front  Royal.  The  next  morn- 
ing,— May  23d, — his  men  were  pushed  north,  and 
early  in  the  afternoon  were  posted  for  the  attack 
upon  Colonel  Kenly  at  Front  Royal. 

The  movements  of  Jackson  had  been  so  rapid 
and  so  carefully  guarded  that  the  Federal  troops 
were  taken  by  surprise  when  his  men  drove  in  their 
pickets  and  rushed  upon  the  two  companies  on 
guard  duty  in  the  village.     There  was  no  time 


114        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

to  prepare  for  defense,  and  they  hurriedly  evac- 
uated their  camps  and  ran  to  join  the  main  com- 
mand on  the  hill,  one  mile  north  of  the  village, 
where  Colonel  Kenly,  prepared  for  the  assault, 
had  drawn  up  his  regiment  in  line  of  battle. 

At  this  point  my  personal  experience  may  be  of 
interest.  When  firing  upon  the  Federal  pickets, 
posted  on  the  two  roads  leading  south  from  our 
village,  began,  I,  with  some  half-dozen  small  boys, 
was  taking  a  bath  in  the  creek  that  winds  east 
and  north  around  the  village.  We  were  in  a 
pool  of  water  about  one  half-mile  north, — near 
where  the  railroad  bridge  crosses  the  creek.  As 
boys  usually  do,  we  were  busy  at  the  time  build- 
ing a  stone  dam  across  the  creek  to  deepen  the 
water  in  the  pool.  The  first  notice  I  had  of  the 
approaching  fight  was  the  sight  of  a  man,  whom 
we  all  knew  well  as  a  Union  sympathizer,  run- 
ning at  the  top  of  his  speed  along  a  path  that  fol- 
lowed the  bank  of  the  stream.  We  called  to  him 
to  know  why  he  was  running  so  fast.  He  gave 
no  answer;  but  in  a  moment  we  heard  the  report 
of  a  musket  in  the  distance  and  then  more  rapid 
firing. 

Jumping  out  of  the  water,  we  hastily  put  on  our 
clothes  and  struck  out  for  the  village.  When  we 
had  reached  the  top  of  the  railroad  embankment 
we  could  see  men  running  wildly  through  the 
fields  and  down  the  pike  in  the  direction  of  the 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN         115 

main  command  on  the  hill.  I  recall  a  man  run- 
ning wildly  through  a  field  of  wheat,  as  fast  as 
he  could  go.  He  was  dressed  in  a  Zouave  uni- 
form, his  bright  red  clothes,  in  contrast  with  the 
green  wheat,  making  his  presence  all  the  more 
conspicuous. 

We  boys  crossed  from  the  railroad  to  the  main 
street  and,  as  my  home  was  south  of  the  village, 
my  purpose  was  to  get  there  as  soon  as  possible, 
not  realizing  that  our  house  was  within  the  Con- 
federate lines.  Running  up  the  main  street,  I 
turned  to  the  right,  through  a  cross  street  that 
curved  in  a  crescent  to  meet  the  street  that  ran 
in  the  direction  of  my  home,  and  as  I  turned  the 
curve  I  ran  into  the  lines  of  the  Federal  troops, 
retreating  down  the  street.  About  this  time  I 
heard  the  whistle  of  a  bullet  that  passed  by  me 
and  struck  a  house  near  me;  so  I  turned  on  my 
heels  and  ran  back  to  the  main  street,  until  I 
came  to  the  house  of  a  citizen  whom  I  knew  well, 
and  there  I  found  a  refuge. 

The  Federals  retreated  down  the  street  in  great 
disorder,  the  Confederates  following  in  equal  dis- 
order, firing  their  guns  in  the  most  irregular  man- 
ner, and  yelling  and  shouting  like  wild  Indians. 
No  one  was  hurt,  and  the  disorder  was  more  like 
a  police  riot  than  a  fight  between  soldiers.  As  the 
Confederates  passed  the  house  where  I  was,  a  long, 
thin,    and    feeble-looking    fellow,    whom    I   had 


n6        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

known  some  months  before  as  a  sick  man  in  the 
hospital,  fell  exhausted  on  the  door-step  in  front 
of  the  house.  He  asked  for  a  drink  of  water, 
which  was  given  him.  In  a  few  minutes  he 
jumped  up,  took  his  gun,  and  started  to  join  his 
companions.  He  was  a  member  of  the  First 
Maryland  Confederate  Regiment,  which  had 
been  given  the  honor  of  leading  the  attack  upon 
the  First  Maryland  Federal  Regiment,  under 
Colonel  Kenly. 

After  the  troops  had  passed  the  house  and  we 
were  once  more  within  the  Confederate  lines,  I 
ran  as  fast  as  my  feet  would  carry  me  for  my 
home.  When  I  reached  an  open  square  I  met  a 
Confederate  soldier  on  horseback, — a  man  I  knew 
well.  He  recognized  me  and  wanted  to  know 
what  I  was  doing  there,  urging  me  to  run  home  as 
fast  as  possible  and  tell  my  family  to  get  in  the 
cellar  as  the  enemy  would  cannonade  the  village 
and  woods  around ;  then,  without  waiting  for  me, 
he  turned  his  horse  and  rode  as  fast  as  he  could 
to  my  home,  to  give  the  order  himself.  He  was 
a  gallant  fellow  and  was  killed  in  battle  in  1863. 
As  I  started  for  my  home  I  could  hear  the  firing 
of  artillery  by  both  sides.  Between  the  village 
and  my  home  was  an  open  space  of  some  five 
hundred  yards  which  had  to  be  crossed.  When 
I  reached  the  last  house, — which  stood  on  the 
street  with  much  open  space  around  it  and  just 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN         117 

across  the  street  opposite  a  large  hospital  build- 
ing, now  unoccupied, — the  artillery  firing  became 
very  alarming  to  me.  The  noise  and  explosion 
of  shells  could  be  distinctly  heard,  and  I  felt  that 
each  gunner  was  looking  for  me.  I  saw,  sitting 
behind  a  large  locust  tree  in  front  of  the  house,  a 
Confederate  soldier,  who  told  me  I  had  better 
join  him,  as  the  firing  was  directed  at  the  hospital 
building  and  at  a  battery  on  a  hill  south,  in  a 
direct  line  with  us. 

I  was  so  badly  frightened  that  I  was  glad  to 
accept  the  soldier's  offer.  In  the  house  lived  a 
widow  with  some  five  or  six  small  children, — all 
crying  in  the  greatest  alarm.  For  over  an  hour, — 
and  it  seemed  a  week — I  sat  behind  that  tree  be- 
lieving in  my  childish  fear  that  every  shell  was  di- 
rected at  the  old  house  and  tree.  While  in  this 
state  of  alarm  I  saw  one  shell  strike  a  near-by 
tree,  a  fragment  of  another  shell  wound  a  cow 
grazing  in  a  meadow  close  to  my  home,  and  eight 
or  ten  shells  fall  in  the  yard  surrounding  my  home. 
One  large  oak  tree  in  front  of  our  house  was  per- 
forated by  a  shell  that  went  entirely  through  it, 
and  then  exploded.  This  old  tree  still  stands 
with  the  scar  of  war  on  its  body. 

After  the  artillery  firing  ceased  I  went  home, 
to  find  my  mother  in  the  greatest  alarm  about  me. 
The  family  had  taken  refuge  in  the  cellar,  and  no 
one  was  hurt,  though  one  Confederate  soldier  in 


n8        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

the  yard  had  been  wounded  in  the  hand  by  a 
fragment  of  a  shell. 

During  the  cannonade  three  Confederate  bat- 
teries were  playing  for  over  one  hour  on  the  Fed- 
eral guns,  which  did  very  effective  work;  for  Col- 
onel Kenly  put  up  a  brave  and  stubborn  fight, 
and  only  abandoned  his  position  when  outnum- 
bered and  outflanked.  His  men  were  closely 
pressed  and,  crossing  the  river,  attempted  to  fire 
the  bridge.  The  men  under  General  Taylor,  of 
the  Louisiana  Brigade,  followed  so  near  that  they 
saved  the  bridge  for  the  Confederates  to  cross 
on.  The  Federals  retreated  in  good  order  until 
dusk,  when  they  were  overwhelmed  by  the  cav- 
alry and  nearly  all  were  captured.  Colonel 
Kenly  held  his  ground  until  his  command  was 
completely  surrounded,  when  he  was  wounded 
and  taken  prisoner. 

At  the  close  of  the  fight  our  village  was  filled 
to  overflowing  with  Confederate  soldiers,  while 
large  bodies  of  them  pushed  on  toward  Winchester 
and  others  went  into  camp  along  the  roadside,  or 
wherever  the  night  overtook  them.  They  had 
marched  strenuously  and  were  jaded  from  hard 
work  and  the  heat  of  the  day.  There  were  many 
hungry  stragglers,  separated  from  their  commands 
by  the  fatigue  of  the  march,  who  sought  food  at 
farmhouses  and  at  homes  in  the  village. 

The  return  of  the  Confederates  so  cheered  our 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN         119 

people  that  they  opened  their  hearts  and  homes  to 
the  soldiers  with  joyful  welcome  and  dispensed 
lavish  hospitality.  The  victory  won  in  the  after- 
noon was  believed  to  be  but  the  forecast  of  greater 
success  for  the  Southern  cause,  and  many  persons 
went  so  far  as  to  hope  that  the  war  would  end 
with  the  Valley  Campaign  that  Jackson  was  now 
making. 

At  that  early  stage  of  the  war  our  people 
had  the  greatest  abundance  of  food  supplies  and 
many  of  the  luxuries  of  peace.  In  my  own  home 
the  smokehouse  and  pantry  were  filled  with  meat, 
flour,  sugar,  coffee,  eggs,  butter,  and  milk.  We 
had  Aunt  Susan  in  the  kitchen,  with  other  women 
servants  to  assist  her.  These  negroes  went  to 
work  with  as  much  energy  and  zeal  as  my  mother 
to  cook  food  for  the  soldiers  as  fast  as  the  men 
came  for  it. 

That  afternoon  and  the  following  morning  my 
mother  estimated  that  she  had  fed  over  300  men. 

Our  house  was  filled  with  Confederate  officers, 
and  there  were,  also,  among  our  guests  several  dis- 
tinguished citizens  in  public  life,  who  followed  the 
army  as  lookers-on.  At  the  first  evening  meal 
after  the  Federals  had  been  routed,  these  officers 
and  gentlemen  around  our  table  were  as  bright 
and  as  happy  in  spirit  as  it  was  possible  for  men 
to  be,  predicting  glorious  results  from  the  cam- 
paign.    Indeed,  one  or  two  were  so  optimistic  as  to 


120        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

predict  that  Jackson  would  be  in  Washington  be- 
fore the  end  of  another  week.  They  little  knew  the 
temper  and  determination  of  the  Northern  people, 
and  the  vast  resources  of  the  Federal  Government. 
The  mistakes  of  General  Banks  and  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  War  at  Washington  were  not  properly  in- 
terpreted. They  were  not  regarded  as  mere  inci- 
dents of  war, — incidents  that  had  only  a  tem- 
porary influence  over  the  larger  policies  that  the 
Federal  Government  had  inaugurated.  One  of 
the  greatest  mistakes  our  people  made  was  to  over- 
estimate the  value  of  our  success  and  to  minimize 
the  strength  and  tenacity  of  purpose  of  our  enemy. 

Jackson  pushed  on  after  the  battle,  trying  to 
close  in  behind  Banks  at  Strasburg,  but  Banks  took 
warning,  and  during  the  night  he  fell  back  to  Win- 
chester. 

On  the  24th  and  25th  of  May  Jackson  drove 
Banks  out  of  Winchester  and  forced  him  to  cross 
the  Potomac.  While  Jackson  was  giving  heavy 
blows  to  Banks,  and  was  moving  his  army  by  rapid 
marches  as  far  north  as  Martinsburg  and  Harper's 
Ferry,  our  village  was  the  seat  of  great  activity. 
The  Confederates  had  captured  large  supplies  in 
the  depot,  and  the  authorities  made  use  of  much 
of  this  material;  still,  the  larger  portion  of  the 
arms  and  ammunition  was  not  removed  into  the 
interior  as  should  have  been  done.  There  was 
neglect  or  inefficiency  somewhere,   and  much  of 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN         121 

these  captured  goods  were  lost  to  the  Confederacy 
by  a  fire  that  took  place  a  week  later  when  the  vil- 
lage again  came  into  the  possession  of  the  enemy. 
A  small  incident  occurred  at  this  time  that  may 
be  worth  relating,  as  it  throws  some  light  on  the 
methods  then  in  vogue  in  the  Union  army.  The 
evening  after  the  battle  of  which  I  have  just  told, 
an  uncle  of  mine,  an  officer  in  one  of  the  cavalry 
regiments,  came  to  our  home  to  see  us.  He  and 
several  of  his  companions,  went  into  the  village, 
and  in  the  general  excitement, — which  was  then 
prevalent,  due  to  the  capture  of  prisoners,  army 
supplies,  horses,  and  wagons  that  were  brought  in, 
— he  saw  a  captured  sutler's  wagon  and  took 
charge  of  it.  In  examining  the  contents  of  the 
wagon  he  found  a  large  trunk  that  he  pitched  out 
to  one  of  his  companions,  not  knowing  its  con- 
tents. Later,  when  the  trunk  was  opened,  it  was 
found  to  contain  125  silver  and  gold-plated 
watches,  many  watch  chains,  and  all  kinds  of 
cheap  jewelry,  kept  for  sale  to  the  soldiers. 
The  sutler  had  escaped.  The  sutler  who  fol- 
lowed the  army  often  grew  rich  by  the  sale 
of  food,  dainties,  and  sundry  articles  to  the 
men  in  the  ranks.  His  profits  were  enormous, 
and  his  risks  correspondingly  great;  for  he 
had  to  credit  the  men  until  pay-day,  and  as  many 
were  killed  or  captured,  he  was  seldom  able  to 
recover  all  the  money  due  him. 


122        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

The  morning  after  the  battle  the  prisoners  were 
marched  into  the  village  and  placed  under  guard 
until  they  were  removed  into  the  interior.  As 
they  were  all  Maryland  men,  they  had  friends  and 
relatives  in  the  Southern  army;  in  fact,  in  one  in- 
stance, brothers  on  opposite  sides  met  and  ex- 
changed greetings.  Civil  war  has  little  respect 
for  the  ties  of  blood.  In  a  fratricidal  strife  the 
animosities  and  passions  of  kindred  are  often 
fiercest.  These  Maryland  men  in  the  Federal 
army  had  encamped  in  our  village  and  the  sur- 
rounding country  from  May  14th  to  May  23d. 
They  were  an  orderly  and  well-behaved  set  of  men 
and  had  been  kind  to  our  people;  therefore  much 
sympathy  was  expressed  for  them  in  their  defeat 
and  capture,  and  many  compliments  were  passed 
on  their  stubborn  resistance  and  courage  against 
great  odds.  For  the  Federals  had  put  up  a  manly 
fight  and  only  yielded  when  overcome  by  vastly 
superior  numbers.  Many  of  them  were  captured 
because  they  were  too  manly  to  make  their  escape. 
This  was  especially  true  of  Colonel  Kenly,  their 
commander,  who  rallied  his  men,  making  them 
fight  like  tigers,  until  while  riding  among  his 
soldiers,  who  were  mixed  in  with  the  Confederates 
all  about  them,  he  was  wounded  in  the  head  with 
a  cavalry  saber,  unhorsed,  and  captured. 

A  more  gallant  soldier  and  courteous  gentleman 
was  not  found  in  either  army  than  J.  R.  Kenly. 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN         123 

Born  and  raised  in  Maryland,  he  had  fought  with 
distinction  in  the  war  with  Mexico.  In  the  War 
between  the  States  he  sided  with  the  North.  A 
Democrat  by  conviction,  after  the  war  he  practiced 
law  with  indifferent  success  from  a  financial  point 
of  view,  and  though  the  Federal  Government  had 
it  in  its  power  to  render  him  valuable  services 
through  political  appointments,  the  party  in  power 
had  no  use  for  a  Democrat  in  public  office,  no  mat- 
ter how  valuable  his  services  had  been  to  his  coun- 
try. General  Kenly, — he  rose  to  that  rank, — was 
too  proud  and  spirited  to  seek  or  accept  political 
favors  and  in  his  quiet  and  dignified  way  exempli- 
fied the  manly  and  virtuous  qualities  of  the  true 
soldier.  His  great  merit  has  never  been  properly 
appreciated  by  his  State  nor  by  the  nation.  Mary- 
land never  had  a  more  brilliant  soldier. 

When  my  father  learned  the  following  morn- 
ing that  Colonel  Kenly  was  a  wounded  prisoner  in 
the  village  he  requested  my  mother  to  prepare  a 
substantial  breakfast  for  him  as  he  feared  that, 
as  a  prisoner,  the  Colonel  would  not  receive  the 
attention  he  was  entitled  to.  He  had  been  so  kind 
to  our  citizens  while  in  command  of  our  village 
that  my  father  wished  to  give  some  expression  of 
his  sympathy  and  esteem  now  that  Colonel  Kenly 
was  in  an  unfortunate  situation.  I  accompanied 
my  father  and  carried  the  waiter  with  the  break- 
fast that  my  mother  had  prepared.     We  found 


124        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

the  Colonel  in  a  large  room, — plainly  furnished 
and  wanting  in  real  comforts, — on  the  first  floor 
of  an  unoccupied  dwelling.  As  we  entered,  by 
permission  of  the  guard  at  the  door,  we  found 
him  in  his  shirt  sleeves,  without  collar,  his  head 
tied  up  with  bandages  that  concealed  his  wound. 
He  was  walking  the  floor  like  a  caged  lion  and 
seemed  to  feel  his  humiliation  keenly.  My  father 
explained  to  him  the  nature  of  his  visit  and  I 
placed  the  waiter  with  the  breakfast  on  a  table 
for  his  use  when  agreeable  to  him.  He  expressed 
his  appreciation  of  the  kindness  and  courtesy  ex- 
tended to  him,  and  though  evidently  much  out  of 
temper  when  we  entered  the  room,  he  soon  calmed 
down,  with  the  remark  that  he  did  not  care  for 
the  wound  nor  feel  unpleasant  over  his  capture, 
but  he  did  resent  the  way  in  which  he  was 
wounded.  It  seems  that  in  the  cavalry  charge  the 
men  were  much  mixed  up.  Darkness  was  coming 
on.  Distinctions  were  not  easily  made  and  he  had 
been  struck  with  a  saber  by  a  private  cavalryman 
before  his  surrender  was  demanded.  Having 
been  an  officer  in  the  old  army,  he  was  punctilious 
about  etiquette  and  thought  he  had  been  treated 
with  brutality.  In  a  general  melee,  such  as  was 
going  on,  men  do  not  show  good  manners;  every 
man  is  looking  after  himself  and  has  little  con- 
sideration for  the  other  fellow.  So  the  cavalry- 
man that  inflicted  the  wound  most  probably  did 


THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGN         125 

not  know  that  he  was  making  an  assault  upon  an 
officer  of  high  rank.  This  recalls  an  incident  that 
actually  took  place  between  a  Federal  private  and 
a  Confederate  officer,  whom  I  knew  and  who  was 
distinguished  for  his  eccentricities  and  absence  of 
mind.  In  a  small  skirmish,  in  which  the  Con- 
federate cavalry  was  routed,  the  officer  in  question 
was  following  his  men  in  their  rush  to  the  rear. 
He  did  not  seem  to  appreciate  the  seriousness  of 
the  situation  and  was  riding  along  in  a  slow  gal- 
lop, apparently  forgetful  of  the  press  of  the 
enemy.  A  Federal  private  rode  up  and  struck 
the  officer  a  mild  blow  with  his  saber — just  hard 
enough  to  remove  the  Confederate's  attention 
from  his  dreams.  Turning  in  his  saddle,  he  re- 
marked to  the  private,   "I  am  Captain  M . 

Don't  you  know  it  is  disrespectful  to  strike  an 
officer?"  The  rebuke  was  so  deliberate  that  it 
quite  disconcerted  the  private,  who  apologized  for 
his  rudeness  and  let  his  prisoner  escape. 

I  never  saw  Colonel  Kenly  after  this  interview, 
as  he  was  taken  with  other  prisoners  within  the 
lines.  On  his  release  from  prison  he  returned  to 
duty  in  the  army,  where  he  made  a  successful 
record  during  the  following  years  of  the  war.  As 
the  Southern  sentiment  largely  prevailed  in  Mary- 
land, his  military  record  has  never  received  the 
high  honor  it  deserved.  He  lived  in  comparative 
obscurity  in  Baltimore  until  his  death  a  few  years 


126        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

ago.  As  a  rebel  boy  I  feel  that  this  tribute  is  due 
him,  for  we  should  honor  merit  wherever  found 
and  pay  respect  to  men  who  live  up  to  the  highest 
duties  of  life. 

During  the  week  following  the  battle  of  May 
23d  our  village  was  filled  with  Confederate 
soldiers.  The  Twelfth  Georgia  Regiment  was  or- 
dered into  camp  near  my  home  to  do  provost-guard 
duty  and  to  watch  the  gaps  in  the  Blue  Ridge, 
through  which  the  enemy  might  come  to  cut  off  the 
retreat  of  Jackson  by  way  of  the  Shenandoah 
Valley. 

In  the  meantime  we  knew  but  little  of  Jackson's 
movements.  The  battle  of  Winchester  had  been 
fought  and  Jackson  was  believed  to  be  invading 
Maryland  by  way  of  Harper's  Ferry.  We  knew 
he  was  dealing  with  the  enemy  in  his  front,  but 
had  little  thought  that  the  enemy  on  his  right  and 
left  flank  could  close  in  on  his  rear  and  cut  off  his 
retreat  up  the  Valley.  It  did  not  occur  to  us  that 
Jackson  was  on  the  alert  for  these  movements  and 
had  made  all  his  plans  to  defeat  them.  Few  of 
our  people  knew  that  the  Federal  army  was  with- 
in a  day's  march  of  our  village. 


CHAPTER  XI 

WITHIN    THE    FEDERAL    LINES.       THE    BATTLE    OF 
PORT  REPUBLIC 

On  Friday  afternoon,  May  30th,  we  were  thrown 
into  the  greatest  uneasiness  by  the  sudden  break- 
ing up  of  the  camp  of  the  Twelfth  Georgia 
Regiment,  and  its  march  out  of  our  village.  As 
soon  as  the  camp  was  evacuated  a  number  of  men, 
women,  and  children, — colored  and  white, — went 
to  the  site  of  the  camp  to  pick  up  all  the  old  plun- 
der and  discarded  articles  left  by  the  soldiers. 
Alter  a  camp  has  been  occupied  a  day  or  more  the 
abandoned  grounds  are  usually  covered  with  old 
junk,  and  often  articles  of  some  value  are  found. 
The  citizens  who  visited  the  camp  fell  heir  to 
these  abandoned  goods.  It  was  not  uncommon  for 
the  Federal  troops  to  leave  much  valuable  truck, 
such  as  hard  tack,  old  clothes,  blankets,  boxes,  and 
not  infrequently  old  guns  and  pistols. 

While  the  camp  of  the  Twelfth  Georgia  was  be- 
ing ransacked  by  the  people  of  the  village,  a  piece 
of  artillery  was  run  up  without  warning,  on  a  hill 
one  mile  south,  and  a  shell  was  thrown  into  the 
camp.     Such  running  and  screaming  has  seldom 

been    heard.     The    camp    was    deserted    in    the 

127 


128        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

twinkling  of  an  eye.  In  the  meantime  several 
regiments  of  cavalry  dashed  in  a  wild  charge 
through  the  village  and  down  the  pike,  in  full 
pursuit  of  the  Confederates. 

Just  before  leaving  the  village  the  Confed- 
erates had  set  fire  to  the  depot,  and  while  the 
charge  was  being  made  the  depot  was  in  flames. 
To  make  the  pandemonium  worse  and  more  ter- 
rifying to  our  people  a  violent  thunderstorm  came 
up.  And  while  the  rain  dashed,  the  thunder 
crashed,  and  the  lightning  flashed  from  the  dark- 
ened heavens,  the  fire  in  the  depot  raged  and  the 
cavalry  charged  down  the  pike.  It  seemed  for  the 
time  being  that  the  demons  from  the  lower  world 
had  broken  loose,  that  we  were  to  be  overwhelmed 
by  the  enemy,  by  the  fire,  and  by  the  violence  of 
nature.  The  happiness  and  hopes  of  the  previous 
week  were  cast  down,  and  we  were  again  in  the 
hands  of  the  enemy.  The  Confederates  had  de- 
serted us  and  in  doing  so  had  threatened  the  de- 
struction of  our  village  by  setting  fire  to  the  depot. 
But  for  the  rush  of  the  Federal  troops,  who  fought 
the  spread  of  the  fire,  and  the  copious  downpour 
of  rain,  the  place  would  have  been  wiped  out. 
Our  enemies  and  the  bounty  of  nature  saved  us 
from  a  general  conflagration. 

Some  of  our  citizens  were  outspoken  in  their 
criticisms  of  the  Confederate  authorities  for  not 
removing  all  of  the  captured  goods  from  the  depot. 


WITHIN  THE  FEDERAL  LINES      129 

There  was  ample  time  to  do  so,  and  valuable  prop- 
erty was  lost  through  someone's  inefficiency. 
The  Federal  cavalry  that  charged  after  the  Con- 
federates, came  upon  the  Twelfth  Georgia  about 
two  miles  north  of  the  village.  That  regiment 
had  taken  a  strong  position  that  commanded  the 
pike  where  it  ran  by  the  side  of  a  hill,  lined  on 
one  side  by  a  high  precipice  and  on  the  other  by 
a  steep  incline.  As  the  Federal  cavalry  charged 
down  the  road  a  volley  was  poured  into  its  ranks, 
nine  men  were  killed,  a  number  wounded,  and  the 
remainder  scattered  in  wild  confusion.  There 
were  no  casualties  among  the  Georgians,  who  re- 
treated now  to  Winchester  and  there  joined  Jack- 
son. 

That  evening  and  the  following  day  the  Federal 
troops  under  McDowell  and  Shields  poured  into 
our  village  and  the  fields  about  and  went  into 
camp.  In  less  than  twenty-four  hours  there  were 
20,000  men  encamped  within  a  radius  of  five 
miles, — more  than  Jackson  had  in  his  entire  com- 
mand, which  was  now  scattered  from  the  Potomac 
to  Strasburg,  12  miles  west  of  our  village  on  the 
Valley  pike,  less  than  a  day's  march  from  either 
McDowell  on  the  east  or  Fremont  on  the  west. 
Apparently  all  that  the  Federal  generals  had  to  do 
was  to  close  in  on  Jackson's  rear  and  capture  his 
army.  As  "the  best  laid  schemes  o'  mice  and 
men  gang  aft  a-gley"  we  will  see  later  that  the 


130        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

dexterity  and  energy  of  Jackson  were  more  than 
a  match  for  the  strategy  of  the  Federals. 

On  the  morning  of  May  31st, — the  day  follow- 
ing the  evacuation  of  our  village  by  the  Confed- 
erates,— who  should  come  to  our  home  but  the 
same  colonel  of  the  Pennsylvania  regiment  who 
had  been  our  guest  during  General  Shields'  en- 
campment (May  14-16).  He  had  returned  with 
General  Shields'  division,  which  was  now  in  camp 
near  us.  We  were  glad  to  welcome  him  and  gave 
him  a  room  in  our  home.  During  the  same  day 
General  Carroll,  of  Shields'  Division,  and  General 
Duryee,  of  McDowell's  Corps,  asked  to  be  enter- 
tained in  our  home.  General  Carroll  was  accom- 
panied by  his  wife  and  a  little  girl.  The  mem- 
bers of  General  Duryee's  large  staff  were  quartered 
in  the  yard,  but  took  meals  at  our  table,  for  we  had 
an  abundance  of  food  and  a  number  of  negroes 
for  domestic  service.  Through  the  courtesy  of 
General  Duryee  my  mother  was  given  an  order 
on  the  Quartermaster  for  any  additional  supplies 
needed ;  and  Uncle  Lewis  would  go  to  camp  daily 
and  get  fresh  meat,  groceries,  and  canned  goods. 
For  over  two  weeks  we  had  these  officers  in  our 
home,  with  the  exception  of  General  Carroll,  who 
joined  his  command  on  June  1st. 

Our  community  was  now  a  hive  of  martial  ex- 
citement and  military  operations.  Some  20,000 
men  were  in  camp,  and,  with  the  exception  of  Gen- 


WITHIN  THE  FEDERAL  LINES      131 

eral  Shields'  Division,  all  were  idle.  When 
Shields  reached  our  village  on  Saturday  morning, 
May  31st,  he  had  ample  time  to  move  west  to 
Strasburg  and  take  a  position  in  the  rear  of  Jack- 
son's line  of  retreat;  but  for  some  reason  he  wasted 
the  entire  day  and  did  not  move  until  Sunday 
morning. 

An  incident  that  took  place  at  our  breakfast 
table  on  Sunday  morning  fully  illustrates  the  sit- 
uation. I  will  relate  it  as  it  actually  occurred 
and  as  I  heard  and  saw  it.  Though  only  13  years 
of  age  at  the  time  it  is  still  fresh  in  my  memory 
to-day,  for  I  have  written  and  related  it  a  num- 
ber of  times. 

Sunday  morning,  June  1st,  was  a  most  beautiful 
day.  The  heavens  were  clear,  the  atmosphere  was 
mild  and  balmy,  the  flowers  were  in  bloom,  and 
the  birds  sang  sweetly  in  the  trees  around  the 
house.  All  nature  smiled  with  peace  and  happi- 
ness, and  only  man  was  vile  and  cruel.  Seated  at 
the  breakfast  table  in  my  home  were  my  parents, 
Colonel  McDowell,  General  Carroll  and  his  wife, 
General  Duryee  and  his  staff,  and  Dr.  Mercer,  an 
old  physician,  the  uncle  of  Mrs.  Carroll  who  ac- 
companied her  so  that  she  would  not  be  lonely 
when  General  Carroll  was  attending  to  his  military 
duties.  I,  the  only  child  present,  sat  at  my 
mother's  side.  While  the  meal  was  being  served 
and  all  were  conversing  animatedly,  we  heard  the 


132        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

slow  firing  of  artillery  in  the  distance.  Each  dis- 
charge became  more  and  more  distinct,  and  the  re- 
ports of  muskets  mingled  with  the  roll  of  artillery, 
indicated  a  general  engagement  on  the  Valley  pike 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Cedar  Creek.  Attention 
was  soon  called  to  the  cannonade  and  remarks 
were  made  by  the  officers  present  suggesting  the 
probable  cause  of  the  firing.  They  decided  that 
the  engagement  was  between  the  forces  of  Fre- 
mont and  Jackson, — 12  miles  west,  on  the  Valley 
pike.  As  General  Carroll  had  instructions  to  join 
his  command  that  morning  at  9  o'clock  and  march 
west  to  Strasburg,  he  volunteered  to  explain  the 
situation. 

He  told  us  that  General  Shields  would  march 
with  his  division  to  Strasburg  to  take  a  position  in 
the  rear  of  Jackson,  who,  with  his  advance,  was 
at  that  time  near  Winchester,  19  miles  north  of 
Strasburg,  in  full  retreat  up  the  Valley.  Shields 
had  a  distance  of  12  miles  to  cover,  while  Jackson 
had  19  miles,  and  his  men  were  widely  scattered. 
The  artillery  firing,  he  said,  was  between  some  of 
Jackson's  cavalry,  which  was  trying  to  hold  in 
check  the  advance  of  Fremont  from  the  west,  and 
Fremont's  men,  who  were  trying  to  reach  the 
Valley  pike.  He  remarked,  with  some  brusque- 
ness  and  braggadocio,  that  Shields  and  Fremont 
would  unite  their  forces  at  Strasburg  by  12  o'clock 
and  close  in  behind  Jackson,  thus  cutting  off  the 


WITHIN  THE  FEDERAL  LINES      133 

retreat  of  the  Confederates.  Turning  to  my 
mother,  he  said: 

"This  means,  Mrs.  Ashby,  that  before  midday 
we  will  have  Jackson  bagged,  and  the  backbone 
of  the  Confederacy  will  be  broken." 

As  there  was  apparently  more  truth  than  poetry 
in  General  Carroll's  remarks,  my  mother's  eyes 
filled  with  tears,  and  she  excused  herself  from  the 
table.  After  she  had  left  General  Duryee,  a  most 
courtly  gentleman,  remarked  to  General  Carroll 
that  his  remarks  had  wounded  my  mother's  feel- 
ings; and  he  tried  to  apologize  to  my  father  for 
an  apparent  boldness  of  speech  that  had  no  serious 
meaning. 

Very  soon  the  company  arose  from  the  table. 
General  Carroll  took  leave  of  his  wife,  mounted 
his  horse,  and  left  to  join  his  command  that  was  to 
march  at  9  o'clock  for  Strasburg.  General  Dur- 
yee and  staff  also  mounted  their  horses  and  rode 
away  to  their  command. 

Mrs.  Carroll  retired  to  her  room  to  worry  over 
General  Carroll's  departure  for  active  service. 
Dr.  Mercer  took  a  stroll  around  the  lawn,  while 
my  father,  Colonel  McDowell,  and  I  went  out  on 
the  front  porch.  We  could  distinctly  hear  the 
cannon  booming  on  the  pike  and  the  direction  of 
the  firing  was  gradually  moving  south,  indicating 
that  the  Confederates  were  holding  their  ground. 
Colonel    McDowell,    turning   to   my   father,    re- 


134        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

marked  that  General  Carroll  had  stated  that 
Shields  and  Fremont  would  unite  their  forces  by 
12  o'clock  and  bag  Jackson,  but  that  he  did  not 
believe  one  word  of  it.  Then  he  said,  with  an 
emphasis  and  feeling  that  impressed  me  greatly: 

"I  hope  to  God  that  Jackson  will  lick  them." 

Taking  a  chair,  he  sat  down  and  drew  me  to  his 
lap,  took  a  silver  watch  out  of  his  pocket,  and  put 
it  on  me,  with  these  words: 

"Keep  this  watch,  my  son,  to  remember  me.  I 
bought  it  for  rough  use  when  I  entered  the  army. 
I  have  a  gold  watch  at  home." 

He  then  said  to  my  father  that  he  had  his 
resignation  in  his  pocket,  and  was  no  longer  in  the 
service  of  the  Government,  and  added:  "When 
I  return  home  I  will  resume  my  editorial  duties 
and  will  oppose  the  policy  of  the  Administra- 
tion,— its  purpose  to  overthrow  the  institution  of 
slavery.  I  am  a  Union  man,  not  an  abolition- 
ist." 

It  would  be  as  difficult  for  me  to  forget  the 
words  of  Colonel  McDowell  as  to  forget  his  kind- 
ness. He  remained  with  us  for  several  weeks  and 
seemed  loth  to  part  with  us.  After  his  return  to 
his  home  he  resumed  his  editorial  duties  and  the 
next  time  we  heard  of  him  he  was  a  prisoner  in 
Fort  Warren,  for  his  denunciation  of  the  policies 
of  the  Government.  After  the  close  of  the  war 
he  wrote  to  my  father  that  he  had  been  persecuted 


WITHIN  THE  FEDERAL  LINES      135 

and  financially  ruined  by  his  war  experiences.  I 
still  have  the  watch  he  gave  me. 

A  few  hours  after  this  episode  while  sitting  on 
the  portico  we  saw  a  large  body  of  Federal  troops 
marching  up  the  pike,  coming  in  from  the  direction 
of  Strasburg.  These  troops  proved  to  be  those  of 
Shields,  which  had  been  ordered  that  morning  to 
close  in  on  the  rear  of  Jackson  and  unite  with 
Fremont. 

After  Shields  had  marched  some  four  miles  in 
the  direction  of  Strasburg  he  met  a  body  of  Con- 
federate cavalry  that  fired  into  his  front  column 
and  arrested  his  advance.  He  then  ascertained 
that  the  main  body  under  Jackson  had  reached 
Strasburg  during  the  night  and  early  morning,  had 
driven  back  the  advance  of  Fremont,  and  was  safe 
from  the  bag  that  General  Carroll  had  spread  for 
him.  By  forced  marches  and  energetic  action  he 
made  good  his  retreat  from  Winchester  with  all 
his  men,  captured  goods,  prisoners,  and  supplies, 
losing  not  a  wagon  nor  a  gun. 

General  Shields  now  reversed  his  order  of 
march,  and  by  one  o'clock  was  moving  south  by 
the  Page  Valley,  to  try  and  get  in  Jackson's  rear 
at  New  Market.  Jackson  retreated  slowly  up  the 
Valley,  followed  by  Banks  in  his  rear,  Fremont 
on  his  right  flank,  and  Shields  on  his  left.  When 
he  reached  Harrisonburg  he  came  to  a  halt  and 
waited  for  the  advance  of  Fremont  and  Banks; 


136        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

he  then  took  a  position  at  Cross  Keys  and  waited 
for  an  assault  of  the  enemy. 

On  the  8th  of  June  Jackson  defeated  the  Fed- 
erals under  Fremont  and  the  following  day  he 
crossed  the  south  branch  of  the  Shenandoah  and 
at  Port  Republic  gave  battle  to  the  army  under 
General  Shields.  After  a  hard  and  bloody  fight 
he  defeated  Shields  and  forced  him  to  retreat 
north  by  the  same  route  along  which  he  had  ad- 
vanced. The  brigade  commanded  by  General 
Carroll  was  engaged  in  the  battle  of  Port  Re- 
public and  suffered  heavy  losses.  A  few  days 
later  General  Carroll  returned  from  the  front  and 
as  he  passed  my  home,  where  Mrs.  Carroll  was 
still  staying,  he  sent  a  courier  to  the  house  with 
the  following  message: 

"Tell  Mrs.  Carroll  to  join  me  in  Washington. 
Tell  Mrs.  Ashby  that  old  Jackson  gave  us  hell." 

He  was  tired,  his  clothes  were  torn  and  muddy, 
and  his  morale  completely  broken.  In  his  piti- 
able condition  he  had  not  the  courage  to  face 
either  his  heart-sick  wife  or  my  mother,  though 
he  passed  within  one  hundred  yards  of  the  house. 
He  hurried  to  the  depot  and  took  the  first  train 
for  Washington.  This  was  the  last  we  ever  saw 
of  General  Carroll.  Mrs.  Carroll,  a  pitiful  little 
woman  tied  to  a  great  big  bear,  joined  her  hus- 
band a  few  days  later. 

Shields   retreated   north   by   the   Page  Valley, 


WITHIN  THE  FEDERAL  LINES      137 

and  Fremont  and  Banks  followed  the  main  Val- 
ley. Their  forces  were  demoralized  by  the  rough 
experiences  they  had  had  in  following  Jackson. 
When  Shields  reached  our  village  his  men  were 
worn  out,  ragged,  and  half  starved.  He  had 
taken  little  time  for  rest,  for  he  thought  that 
Jackson  was  following  on  his  rear.  He  was  pur- 
sued by  a  small  body  of  cavalry  that  kept  an- 
noying him  until  he  was  safe  under  the  wings  of 
McDowell,  who  was  still  encamped  near  our  vil- 
lage. 

After  the  battles  of  Cross  Keyes  and  Port  Re- 
public, Jackson  withdrew  his  army  to  a  safe  en- 
campment near  Mt.  Meridian.  Here  he  rested 
his  men  for  live  days,  then  he  crossed  the  moun- 
tain and  took  the  railroad  that  carried  his  army 
to  within  easy  reach  of  Richmond,  where  he 
joined  his  forces  with  those  of  General  Lee  to 
fight  the  battles  of  the  Peninsula, — battles  that  re- 
sulted in  the  defeat  and  retreat  of  the  army  un- 
der McClellan. 

On  May  19th,  Stonewall  Jackson  had  begun  his 
Valley  Campaign, — a  campaign  that  resulted  in 
a  brilliant  success  for  the  Southern  cause.  With 
the  defeat  of  Fremont  on  June  8th  and  of 
Shields  on  June  9th,  he  had  been  on  the  march 
for  23  days;  had  covered  nearly  200  miles;  had 
driven  Banks  across  the  Potomac;  had  withdrawn 
McDowell's    forces    from   Fredericksburg,    where 


138        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

they  were  on  their  way  to  reinforce  McClellan 
before  Richmond;  had  seized  valuable  supplies 
at  Front  Royal,  Winchester,  and  Martinsburg, 
and  at  length,  although  surrounded  on  three  sides 
by  60,000  men,  had  escaped  the  snares  set  for  him 
and  brought  off  his  prisoners  and  captured  goods 
without  losing  a  wagon.  And  he  had  done  all 
this  with  a  comparatively  small  loss  of  men. 
The  battle  of  Port  Republic  was  his  most  costly 
victory,  but  its  results  were  so  brilliant  that  it  was 
a  fitting  close  to  a  scene  of  warfare  that  will  live 
in  history  with  the  great  campaigns  of  the  world. 
It  raised  the  fame  of  Jackson  to  the  highest  pin- 
nacle of  military  renown,  giving  him  a  position 
among  the  greatest  soldiers  of  the  age. 

Having  followed  Jackson  to  his  union  with 
Lee  before  Richmond,  I  must  now  return  to  the 
situation  of  affairs  as  they  were  presented  in  my 
own  home. 

After  the  battle  of  Port  Republic  the  Federal 
troops  were  encamped  in  and  near  our  village 
until  about  the  20th  of  June.  During  the  greater 
part  of  this  time  we  lived  in  daily  expectation  of 
an  attack  from  the  Confederate  forces.  The 
Federals  were  kept  in  anxious  suspense,  since 
Jackson's  whereabouts  were  not  known.  Strong 
guard  was  kept  on  the  outposts,  and  every 
preparation  was  made  for  an  attack.  Jackson's 
union  with  Lee  was  not  known  until  the  engage- 


WITHIN  THE  FEDERAL  LINES      139 

ment  with  McClellan  on  the  Chickahominy  was 
announced.  Large  bodies  had  been  retained  in 
the  Valley  to  protect  Washington,  and  he  had 
slipped  quietly  across  the  mountain  to  cooperate 
with  Lee. 

During  the  ten  days  following  the  defeat  of 
Shields  at  Port  Republic  my  home  was  filled  with 
Federal  officers.  General  Duryee  and  staff  were 
still  with  us  and  Colonel  McDowell  still  remained 
a  guest  in  our  home.  In  addition  to  these  guests, 
we  had  two  wounded  officers, — one  Federal  and 
one  Confederate.  The  Federal  officer  was  a 
German  of  General  Shields'  staff,  who  had  been 
shot  in  the  face  at  Port  Republic.  He  was  a 
handsome,  dashing  fellow,  quite  popular  with 
his  companions, — an  officer  in  the  German  army, 
we  were  told,  on  leave  of  absence,  who  had  joined 
the  Federal  army  to  learn  some  of  the  methods  of 
American  warfare.  He  was  severely  punished 
for  his  curiosity,  for  his  face  was  badly  scarred 
by  a  rebel  bullet. 

A  singular  circumstance  took  place  in  connec- 
tion with  his  stay  in  our  home.  While  confined 
to  his  room  one  afternoon  a  young  woman,  ac- 
companied by  a  German  officer,  and  riding  a 
spirited  horse,  dashed  up  to  the  front  door  of  the 
house.  She  sprang  from  her  horse,  rushed  into 
the  house,  and  asked  the  servant  where  she  could 
find  the  wounded  officer.     When  told  where  he 


140        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

lay,  she  rushed  upstairs  and,  without  ceremony, 
entered  his  room.  This  woman  was  the  then  cele- 
brated Belle  Boyd.  Her  history  in  brief  may 
not  be  wanting  in  interest. 

She  was  a  well-bred  woman, — a  native  of  one 
of  the  northern  counties  of  the  State,  and  at  that 
time  had  relatives  in  our  village,  with  whom  she 
was  temporarily  staying.  She  had  developed  a 
strong  interest  in  military  matters,  and,  posing  as 
a  Rebel  spy  and  heroine,  she  had  already  at- 
tracted considerable  notice  by  her  exploits;  but 
she  was  not  taken  seriously  by  either  the  Federals 
or  the  Confederates.  Though  professing  warm 
allegiance  to  the  South,  she  played  with  both 
sides  a  game  that  inspired  no  confidence  in  either, 
hence  she  lived  in  either  camp  as  it  suited  her  pur- 
pose and,  as  far  as  I  know,  was  never  under  ar- 
rest. At  the  time  I  speak  of  she  was  in  the 
Federal  lines  and  was  receiving  marked  attentions 
from  the  young  Federal  officers.  On  May  22d 
she  had  ridden  into  the  Confederate  lines  and  had 
given  Jackson  information  that  proved  to  be  un- 
reliable. 

When  she  rode  up  to  my  home  to  see  the 
wounded  German  officer  she  was  playing  the  game 
of  flirt  and  lowering  the  dignity  of  her  sex.  She 
was  a  young  woman  of  some  personal  beauty, 
vivacious,  attractive,  and  spirited  in  manner,  and 
a  skilled  rider  of  spirited  horses.     Nor  was  she 


WITHIN  THE  FEDERAL  LINES      141 

wanting  in  energy,  dash,  and  courage;  but  she 
had  none  of  the  genius,  inspiration,  and  religious 
fervor  of  the  true  heroine.  She  loved  notoriety 
and  attention,  and  was  as  far  below  the  standard 
of  the  pure  and  noble  womanhood  of  the  South 
as  was  a  circus  rider.  Her  own  sex  in  the  South 
repudiated  her,  and  the  true  manhood  of  both 
armies  was  as  suspicious  of  her  character  as 
Frederick  the  Great  was  of  Madame  de  Pompa- 
dour. So  much  for  Belle  Boyd.  Her  heroism 
has  long  faded  into  the  forgetfulness  of  her  gen- 
eration. She  has  found  no  decent  place  in  his- 
tory. 

The  wounded  Confederate  officer  in  our  house 
at  that  time,  Captain  Driver,  has  a  most  pathetic 
history.  At  the  battle  of  Port  Republic  he  was 
wounded  in  the  eye  by  a  spent  bullet,  and  the 
wound  came  very  near  destroying  the  vision  in 
both  eyes.  He  was  captured  and  as  a  prisoner 
was  on  parole  in  our  home.  Just  how  he  came  to 
us  I  do  not  remember  but  in  some  way  he  at- 
tracted the  sympathy  of  the  Federals  and  was 
given  the  freedom  of  a  private  house.  He  had 
with  him  his  adopted  son,  Arthur  Waugh,  a  boy 
ot  18  years, — who  accepted  capture  to  wait  on  his 
parent,  who  was  so  blind  as  to  require  someone 
to  lead  him  around.  Captain  Driver  was  kept 
blindfolded  or  in  a  dark  room  by  the  Federal 
surgeon  who  attended  him.     He  suffered  greatly 


142        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

and  aroused  much  sympathy  by  his  patient,  gentle 
manners  and  almost  helpless  condition.  He  re- 
mained with  us  until  the  Federal  army  evacuated 
the  village,  when  he  was  carried  to  Washington. 
The  recollection  of  this  wounded  Confederate  of- 
ficer made  a  deep  impression  on  me,  and  after  he 
left  our  home  I  often  tried  to  find  him.  I  had 
forgotten  his  name,  but  I  remembered  that  he  was 
a  captain  in  a  Louisiana  regiment.  A  few  years 
ago  I  wrote  to  the  New  Orleans  Times-Democrat 
and  made  inquiry  about  Captain  Driver,  giving 
the  facts  about  his  wound  and  capture.  The  edi- 
tor of  the  paper  worked  up  the  case  for  me  and 
published  the  story  as  I  have  related  it.  It  found 
its  way  into  the  notice  of  the  boy  Arthur,  who 
was  then  living  in  New  Orleans.  I  was  soon  put 
in  possession  of  the  facts,  and  learned  that  Cap- 
tain Driver  had  returned  home  at  the  close  of  the 
war,  and  died  in  1873. 


CHAPTER  XII 

FEDERAL    OFFICERS    IN     MY    HOME 

While  the  Federal  troops  were  encamped  around 
our  village,  waiting  for  an  attack  by  Stonewall 
Jackson,  General  Duryee  and  staff  were  still 
guests  in  my  home.  The  General  was  a  man  of 
great  courtesy  and  kindness  of  heart,  and  rendered 
my  mother  a  service  that  was  greatly  prized  dur- 
ing the  next  two  years  of  the  war.  In  a  conversa- 
tion on  the  conduct  and  extent  of  the  war  he 
remarked  that  it  would  be  a  long  and  bitter 
struggle,  one  that  would  severely  test  the  strength 
and  endurance  of  both  North  and  South.  He 
stated  that  he  knew  the  temper  of  the  people  of 
the  North  and  their  determination  to  restore  the 
Union,  and  that  he  also  knew  the  courage  and 
spirit  of  the  people  of  the  South  and  their  deter- 
mination to  prolong  the  war  until  their  resources 
were  exhausted  or  victory  crowned  their  efforts. 
He  explained  that  because  of  this,  great  distress 
would  come  to  the  Southern  people  through  de- 
struction of  life  and  property,  and  their  inability 
to  secure  the  necessaries  of  life. 

He  advised  my  mother  to  take  advantage  of 
an  offer  he  was  then  able  to  make.     He  urged  her 

143 


144        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

to  make  out  a  list  of  such  articles  of  domestic 
use  as  a  lady  would  need  in  her  housekeeping  for 
two  or  three  years  and  then  said  he  would  send 
to  Washington  and  have  these  goods  forwarded 
to  him.  Acting  upon  this  generous  suggestion, 
my  mother  made  up  a  list  of  supplies,  which  were 
soon  brought  by  rail  and  delivered  to  her  by  Gen- 
eral Duryee.  In  this  list  were  barrels  of  sugar, 
sacks  of  coffee  and  salt,  cans  of  tea  and  all  kinds 
of  condiments.  In  addition,  there  were  cotton 
goods,  calicoes,  needles  and  thread,  and  other 
articles  of  domestic  use.  The  goods  were  stored 
in  pantry,  garret,  and  cellar  for  future  consump- 
tion. At  that  time  gold  and  silver  were  in  cir- 
culation and  my  mother  had  sufficient  money  to 
pay  for  these  goods;  but  it  so  happened  that  by 
this  forethought  my  home  was  supplied  with  ne- 
cessities until  the  close  of  the  war,  and  that  we 
were  able  to  give  to  the  sick  and  needy  the  lux- 
uries not  easily  secured  in  time  of  conflict.  As 
it  was,  toward  the  end  of  the  war  flour  and  corn- 
meal  were  difficult  to  be  had,  and  we  lived  on 
unbolted  flour. 

General  Duryee  was  reputed  to  be  a  man  of 
wealth;  and  his  generosity,  his  bearing,  and  his 
equipment  indicated  this.  His  uniforms,  horses, 
saddles,  and  military  trappings  were  very  hand- 
some and  elaborate,  which  probably  accounted  for 
his  having  acquired  the  nickname  of  the  "Band- 


OFFICERS  IN  MY  HOME  145 

box  General."  His  staff  was  made  up  of  a  num- 
ber of  handsome  young  men,  evidently  of  high  so- 
cial standing,  all  natives  of  New  York  City.  Up 
to  that  time  he  had  not  seen  hard  fighting,  and  his 
men  had  more  the  appearance  of  being  on  dress 
parade  than  of  being  rough  soldiers.  His  sub- 
sequent war  record  was  most  creditable,  and  he 
was  lacking  in  neither  dash  nor  courage.  At 
Antietam  his  horse  was  killed  under  him,  and  at 
Bull  Run  he  was  severely  wounded. 

In  General  Duryee's  command  was  a  regiment 
of  New  York  Zouaves  that  presented  a  striking 
appearance,  with  their  bright  red  coats,  red 
turbans,  and  white  leggins.  This  uniform  was 
soon  discarded  by  the  men  who  did  the  fighting, — 
for  it  was  too  showy  and  made  good  targets  for 
our  rebel  bullets. 

When  General  Duryee  was  taking  leave  of  my 
mother  he  delivered  to  her  care  a  very  handsome 
dress  sword  in  a  gold-mounted  scabbard,  with 
Damascus  steel  blade.  He  told  her  that  in  1859 
this  sword  had  been  presented  to  him  by  the  State 
of  Virginia  on  the  occasion  of  the  unveiling  of 
the  Henry  Clay  monument  in  the  Capitol  grounds 
at  Richmond,  when  he  was  colonel  of  a  New 
York  regiment  that  was  being  entertained  by  the 
citizens  of  Richmond.  He  explained  that  as  he 
was  now  in  arms  against  the  State  of  Virginia  he 
desired  to  leave  this  sword  with  a  citizen  of  Vir- 


146        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

ginia  until  the  war  was  ended,  when  he  would 
request  its  return.  He  handed  my  mother  a  note 
with  the  sword  explaining  how  it  came  into  her 
possession.  This  sword  remained  in  our  home 
until  after  the  war  when  it  was  returned  to  Gen- 
eral Duryee  at  his  request,  as  the  following  letters 
will  show. 

„  ,  New  York,  Feb.  Cth,  1866. 

Mr.  Ashby. 

Dear  Sir:  During  the  campaign  of  Mc- 
Dowell in  your  vicinity  I  was  fortunately  quar- 
tered in  your  hospitable  mansion.  When  about  to 
leave  I  gave  in  charge  to  your  wife  my  dress 
sword,  which  she  promised  to  retain  for  me. 

Will  you  do  me  the  favor  to  inform  me  how 
I  can  obtain  it,  and  if  communication  is  open  to 
Washington  by  rail1?  Hoping  you  are  all  well, 
and  with  my  kindest  regards  to  Mrs.  Ashby,  I  am 

Truly  yours, 
3  East  38TH  Street,  A.  Duryee. 

New  York. 

On  the  above  letter  is  the  marginal  note  in  my 
father's  handwriting :  "Answered  February  15th, 
1866." 

New  York,  Feb.  28th,  1866. 
Thos.  N.  Ashby,  Esq. 

My  Dear  Sir:  Your  favor  is  now  before 
me,  and  I  sincerely  appreciate  your  kindness  in 


OFFICERS  IN  MY  HOME  147 

preserving  for  me  my  sword.  The  answer  made 
by  Mrs.  Ashby  when  I  placed  it  in  her  charge 
made  a  lasting  impression,  and  I  told  my  family 
that,  whatever  transpired,  I  was  sure  eventually 
to  get  the  sword.  I  deeply  sympathize  with  you 
in  your  losses.  I  am  familiar  with  many  cases  of 
the  same  character.  One  family  by  the  name  of 
Richards  at  Cloud's  Mills,  whose  mansion  was 
my  Headquarters,  during  our  stay  treated  us  with 
open-hearted  hospitality  so  characteristic  of  the 
Virginians.  After  I  left  other  troops  took  pos- 
session. The  newcomers  ruthlessly  swept  every- 
thing off  of  the  place, — even  the  barns  were  torn 
down  and  burnt, — and  the  family  was  left  in 
penury  and  want.  I  took  them  provisions,  and 
never  felt  happier  in  my  life,  in  relieving  the  wants 
of  this  noble  family. 

I  am  happy  to  inform  you  that  my  brother  and 
self  are  well.  My  brother  was  severely  wounded 
at  Antietam.  He  is  now  Deputy  Collector  of  the 
Port  of  Fernandina,  Florida.  I  was  slightly 
wounded  three  times  at  Bull  Run,  and  my  horse 
was  shot  under  me  at  Antietam. 

Now,  my  friend,  I  do  not  wish  to  put  you  to 
the  least  trouble  or  inconvenience,  but  if  at  any 
time  you  can  conveniently  send  the  sword  to  Mr. 
Robert  B.  Coleman,  proprietor  of  the  Eutaw 
House,  Baltimore,  Md.,  I  shall  feel  under  renewed 
obligations. 


148        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

Present  my  regards  to  Mrs.  Ashby  and  my  best 
wishes  for  her  happiness,  and  accept  the  same  for 
yourself. 

If  at  any  time  I  can  reciprocate  your  kindness 
do  not  fail  to  ask  it.  Possibly  you  have  claims 
against  the  Government.  Can  I  be  of  any  service 
to  you? 

I  cordially  invite  you  and  Mrs.  Ashby  to  my 
home ;  and  if  at  any  time  you  come  to  New  York 
do  not  fail  to  let  me  know  on  your  arrival.  I 
reside  at  No.  3  East  38th  Street,  one  door  from 
5th  Avenue.  My  office  is  Cor.  of  Jefferson  and 
Cherry  Str. 

Yours,  with  high  respect, 

A.  Duryee. 

Soon  after  General  Duryee  left  we  took  leave 
of  all  the  Federal  officers  in  our  home.  The 
Federal  army  evacuated  our  village,  the  railroad 
trains  were  withdrawn,  and  we  were  for  several 
weeks  in  free  communication  with  the  Confederate 
lines.  The  boys  in  grey  made  frequent  visits  to 
their  homes,  and  the  domestic  life  of  our  people 
was  tranquil.  The  Confederates  had  been  victori- 
ous on  the  Peninsula,  Richmond  was  safe,  and  the 
cause  looked  more  hopeful. 

While  the  Federal  troops  were  encamped 
around  our  village  a  number  of  incidents  took 
place  that  may  be  worthy  of  notice,  since  they 


OFFICERS  IN  MY  HOME         149 

show  the  spirit  and  disposition  of  our  negro  serv- 
ants and  the  cordial  relations  still  existing  be- 
tween master  and  slave.  My  father's  servants 
had  been  exceedingly  loyal  and  faithful.  Uncle 
Lewis  had  taken  charge  of  the  land,  looked  after 
the  crops  and  such  live  stock  as  we  had  left,  and 
was  most  efficient  in  his  work.  He  had  in  his 
room, — collected  from  the  camps  as  they  were 
abandoned, — an  enormous  supply  of  old  junk  that 
had  been  discarded  by  the  troops.  Among  other 
items  he  had  several  barrels  of  hard-tack,  which 
made  excellent  food  for  hogs  and  poultry.  This 
article  of  diet  stood  in  bad  repute  with  the  soldier, 
and  seemed  to  have  been  repudiated,  when  it  was 
possible  to  escape  its  use.  In  all  the  abandoned 
camps  where  it  had  been  supplied  to  the  Federal 
troops  as  a  ration  it  could  be  found  strewn  over 
the  ground  and  wasted  in  the  most  lavish  manner. 
Soldiers  in  camp  are  usually  indisposed  to  live 
on  strict  army  rations,  if  it  is  possible  to  get  other 
food;  and  as  the  Federal  troops  were  paid  regu- 
larly in  gold  or  silver  they  had  spending  money, 
which  they  used  freely  for  the  purchase  of  food 
and  luxuries  that  were  not  on  the  army  bill  of 
fare. 

The  sutlers,  who  followed  the  army,  supplied 
many  of  these  luxuries;  but  when  the  men  were 
in  camp  for  a  few  days  they  would  wander  through 
the  villages  and  farmhouses  in  search  of  milk, 


ISO        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

bread,  cakes,  pies  and  fruits.  During  the  first  two 
years  of  the  war  they  willingly  paid  for  these 
things;  but  later  they  pillaged  and  appropriated 
whatever  could  be  found.  The  only  limit  to  theii 
thefts  was  the  absence  of  the  things  desired.  They 
often  wantonly  took  property  of  no  use  to  them 
and  destroyed  it  in  a  spirit  of  vindictiveness. 
Later  in  this  story  I  will  give  some  account  of 
these  acts  of  vandalism  and  barbarity,  but  I  must 
not  anticipate.  The  acts  of  1862  were  orderly 
and  considerate  of  private  property,  and  the  men 
who  were  encamped  on  our  lands  and  often  stayed 
in  our  homes  were  princely  gentlemen  in  compari- 
son with  those  who  came  later. 

During  the  spring  and  summer  of  1862  our 
people  were  treated, — except  in  rare  instances, — 
as  kindly  by  the  Federals  as  by  the  Confederates 
so  far  as  private  rights  were  concerned.  Whilst 
they  camped  on  our  lands  and  burned  fences  and 
old  buildings  they  did  not  destroy  growing  crops 
or  those  gathered  in  barns  and  granaries.  Our 
homes  were  protected  by  guards  and  the  smoke- 
house, poultry  yard,  and  pantry  were  safe  from 
pillage.  When  our  home  was  filled  with  Federal 
officers  we  had  the  greatest  abundance  of  food 
supplies  and  plenty  of  servants  to  prepare  and 
serve  it. 

Old  Aunt  Susan,  our  cook,  was  most  energetic 
and  faithful ;  she  attended  to  the  poultry,  to  the 


OFFICERS  IN  MY  HOME         151 

dairy,  and  the  kitchen,  and  soon  found  many  op- 
portunities to  profit  by  the  situation.  The  men 
from  the  camps  began  to  come  to  the  house  to  get 
milk,  butter,  and  eggs.  With  my  mother's  per- 
mission, Susan  was  allowed  to  employ  her  spare 
time  in  baking  bread,  pies,  and  cakes  which  she 
sold  at  good  prices;  and  in  a  few  months  the 
crafty  old  negress  had  accumulated  a  handsome 
pile  of  gold  and  silver  which  she  carefully 
guarded.  Indeed,  at  the  close  of  the  war  she  had 
saved  so  considerable  a  sum  that  she  purchased 
a  home  in  the  village,  in  which  she  lived  until  her 
death. 

All  the  servants  around  our  home  fared  well 
at  this  time,  as  they  were  generously  tipped  by 
the  officers.  The  same  may  be  said  of  many 
others  who  were  able  to  take  advantage  of  the  op- 
portunities that  were  presented  for  money-making 
out  of  the  Federal  troops.  These  opportunities 
all  disappeared  after  1862,  and  during  the  follow- 
ing years  of  the  war  our  people, — white  and 
colored,  rich  and  poor, — were  subjected  to  many 
hardships  and  privations.  The  temper  of  the 
enemy  had  changed,  and  the  policy  of  the  Federal 
Government  had  hardened  to  a  brutality  toward 
innocent  men,  women,  and  children,  whose  only 
crime  was  that  they  were  loyal  to  the  Southern 
cause  and  gave  encouragement  to  the  men  of  their 
blood,  who  were  fighting  for  their  independence. 


152        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

As  the  greater  number  of  our  negroes  still  remained 
with  their  owners  they  bore  the  hardships  of  war 
with  equal  spirit  and  endurance.  These  faith- 
ful servants  were  often  the  mainstay  of  their 
owners,  for  they  cultivated  the  crops  and  raised 
what  food  supplies  our  people  had  to  live  on. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

SUCCESS  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  NORTHERN   VIRGINIA 

The  defeat  of  McClellan  on  the  Peninsula  gave 
rise  to  a  new  movement  that  soon  led  to  the  with- 
drawal of  the  Federal  forces  from  northern  Vir- 
ginia. General  Lee  withdrew  his  army  from  the 
defense  of  Richmond  and  on  July  16th  instructed 
Stonewall  Jackson  to  move  north  to  Gordons- 
ville,  and  from  that  place  to  advance  to  Madison 
Court  House.  General  Pope,  in  command  of  the 
Federal  army  of  40,000  men,  was  located  near 
Culpeper  Court  House,  with  his  outpost  at  the 
Rapidan  River.  Pope  showed  great  activity  and 
issued  bombastic  reports  to  his  army  of  what  he 
proposed  to  do  to  the  Confederates,  not  disguising 
his  hostile  criticisms  of  McClellan's  defeat  on  the 
Peninsula.  With  his  "Headquarters  in  the  Sad- 
dle," he  pushed  forward  to  attack  Jackson's  ad- 
vance from  Gordonsville.  Some  of  his  cavalry 
had  passed  around  the  east  side  of  Gordonsville 
and  had  reached  Hanover  Court  House,  where 
they  were  repulsed  by  General  J.  E.  B.  Stuart's 
cavalry. 

Jackson  urged  Lee  to  send  him  reinforcements 
from  Richmond,  and  when  it  became  clear  to  Lee 

153 


154        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

that  Richmond  was  safe  from  an  assault  from  Mc- 
Clellan  he  moved  the  greater  number  of  his  men 
to  join  Jackson  and  press  north  toward  Washing- 
ton. It  was  then  announced  that  the  policy  of  the 
Confederate  Government  was  to  make  an  advance 
into  Maryland,  and  in  this  way  draw  McClellan's 
army  from  in  front  of  Richmond.  Both  Lee  and 
Jackson  were  advised  as  to  the  strength  and  posi- 
tion of  the  Federal  army  occupying  the  territory 
between  the  Rapidan  and  Potomac.  They  also 
sized  up  the  character  of  Pope,  and  determined  to 
deal  him  a  blow  that  would  silence  his  bragga- 
docio and  bold  assumption  of  superiority  over 
McClellan.  Pope  was  the  first  of  the  Federal 
officers  to  order  his  troops  to  subsist  upon  the 
country  and  to  hold  the  citizens  responsible  for  all 
damages  done  to  roads,  railways,  and  telegraph 
lines  by  guerillas.  He  also  ordered  his  generals  to 
arrest  every  citizen  within  the  limits  of  their  lines, 
to  administer  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Union, 
and  to  expel  from  their  homes  all  who  refused  to 
take  it. 

"The  Confederate  Government  retaliated  by 
declaring  that  Pope  and  his  officers  were  not  en- 
titled to  be  considered  as  soldiers.  If  captured 
they  were  to  be  imprisoned  as  long  as  their  orders 
remained  unrepealed  and,  in  the  event  of  any  un- 
armed citizens  being  tried  or  shot,  an  equal  num- 


SUCCESS  OF  THE  ARMY  155 

ber  of  Federal  prisoners  were  to  be  hanged."  x 
This  put  a  check  for  a  time  upon  a  brutal  policy 
that  began  to  war  upon  innocent  people. 

Pope  was  greatly  aided  by  the  energy  and  enter- 
prise of  his  cavalry,  under  General  Buford  and 
General  Bayard,  which  annoyed  the  Confederates 
by  raids  within  their  lines.  Jackson  watched  the 
movements  of  Pope  with  quiet  patience.  He  had 
at  this  time  a  force  of  24,000  men  to  oppose  an 
army  of  47,000.  It  was  Jackson's  purpose  to 
draw  Pope  forward  and  separate  him  as  far  as  pos- 
sible from  Washington  and  his  lines  of  communi- 
cation. He  retired  beyond  Gordonsville,  having 
been  reinforced  by  the  army  under  Lee  and  A.  P. 
Hill.  On  August  3d  General  McClellan  moved 
his  command,  by  order  of  General  Halleck, — then 
the  newly  selected  adviser  of  the  War  Department 
in  Washington, — from  the  James  to  the  Rappa- 
hannock at  Fredericksburg.  On  August  6th  Pope 
began  to  move  south  to  attack  Jackson  at  Gordons- 
ville, but  on  the  7th  Jackson  advanced  north  to 
Orange  Court  House  to  oppose  Pope.  On  Au- 
gust 8th  Ewell's  Division,  in  the  advance,  crossed 
the  Rapidan  and  was  within  18  miles  of  Culpep- 
er  Court  House,  where  Pope  had  concentrated  his 
forces. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  9th  Ewell's  Division, 

1  Henderson. 


156        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

in  the  advance,  reached  Slaughter  Mountain, 
where  it  ran  into  a  force  of  Federal  cavalry  that 
was  massed  on  the  banks  of  Cedar  Run.  Before 
three  o'clock  the  Confederate  lines  had  advanced, 
and  a  general  engagement  was  brought  on.  The 
battle  of  Slaughter  Mountain  was  hotly  contested 
by  the  Federals  but  resulted  in  a  victory  for  the 
Confederates.  The  loss  on  both  sides  was  very 
heavy.  In  some  90  minutes  3,000  men  had 
fallen. 

At  5  o'clock  the  Federals  left  the  field.  Jack- 
son soon  learned  from  his  prisoners  that  the  men 
who  opposed  him  were  the  same  he  had  fought  in 
the  Valley.  As  Jackson  was  greatly  outnumbered 
by  the  reinforcements  that  had  come  to  Pope,  he 
quietly  withdrew  behind  the  Rapidan.  This 
movement  so  encouraged  Pope  that  he  claimed  a 
victory  and  announced  that  this  was  only  the  first 
of  a  series  of  victories  that  awaited  his  army. 
The  facts  were  that  he  was  thoroughly  done  up  by 
Jackson  and  did  not  make  an  advance  on  the  10th 
and  1 1  th  of  August. 

In  the  battle  of  Slaughter  Mountain  a  gallant 
major  of  a  Virginia  regiment  was  killed  leading 
a  charge.  He  was  a  native  of  our  village,  but 
before  the  war  had  moved  to  a  distant  county  in 
our  State.  He  entered  the  army  and  by  his  gal- 
lantry was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  major.  Had 
he  lived  longer  he  no  doubt  would  have  reached 


SUCCESS  OF  THE  ARMY  157 

a  much  higher  grade.  I  have  distinct  recollec- 
tions of  his  handsome  and  striking  bearing  as  a 
young  man.  When  I  was  a  small  boy  my  parents 
boarded  in  the  home  of  his  widowed  mother,  who 
by  her  kindness  had  won  my  affections.  He  had 
a  number  of  near  relatives  in  our  county  who  were 
sorrowed  by  his  death. 

In  the  same  fight  a  relative  of  mine,  a  brave 
lieutenant  in  a  Virginia  company,  had  his  leg  car- 
ried away  by  a  shell.  This  incapacitated  him  for 
active  service  during  the  remainder  of  the  war; 
and  though  after  the  war  he  graduated  in  medicine 
and  practiced  his  profession  with  success,  he  was 
always  greatly  handicapped  by  his  misfortune. 
He  labored  hard  and  unselfishly  in  his  profession 
for  many  years  until  called  to  join  his  companions 
in  arms  who  had  crossed  the  river  before  him. 

When  Jackson  withdrew  behind  the  Rapidan 
he  had  a  distinct  purpose  in  view.  He  hoped  to 
draw  Pope  after  him;  he  wished  to  rest  and 
strengthen  his  forces,  and  he  had  under  considera- 
tion a  plan  of  flanking  Pope  and  getting  between 
him  and  Washington.  He  had  the  enemy  dis- 
turbed by  his  actions,  as  it  was  uncertain  what  he 
would  do.  McClellan  wrote  to  Halleck,  "He  will 
suddenly  appear,  when  least  expected."  His 
movements  were  too  unreliable  for  the  comfort  of 
Pope  and  the  Federal  authorities. 

When  the  Confederates  were  quiet  the  North 


158        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

was  anxious.  Wall  Street  was  the  barometer. 
Stocks  fell  and  the  premium  on  gold  advanced. 
Pope's  so-called  victory  at  Slaughter  Mountain 
had  only  given  rest  to  the  army;  it  had  given  no 
assurance  that  Jackson  had  been  vanquished.  Mc- 
Clellan  had  been  allowed  to  move  his  army  from 
the  Peninsula,  as  fast  as  transports  could  carry  it, 
to  the  defence  of  Washington. 

On  August  19th  the  exact  position  of  the  Fed- 
eral armies  was  known.  The  following  day  Jack- 
son, with  three  divisions,  broke  camp  at  Gor- 
donsville  and  marched  north  to  Pisgah  Church. 
Lee  had  moved  his  forces  from  the  defence  of 
Richmond  and  had  reached  Gordonsville  before 
the  enemy  knew  of  his  change  of  base.  The  Fed- 
erals were  not  apprehensive  of  danger  and  their 
forces,  numbering  now  some  52,000  men,  were 
scattered  in  camps  over  wide  territory,  stretching 
from  the  fords  of  the  Rapidan  to  Culpeper  Court 
House. 

The  main  force  was  stationed  along  the  road 
leading  direct  from  Culpeper  to  Gordonsville, 
for  the  enemy  assumed  that  Jackson  would  ad- 
vance by  that  route.  Pope  made  the  same  mis- 
take that  Banks  had  made  in  holding  Strasburg 
when  Jackson  flanked  his  position  by  advancing 
by  the  Page  Valley  and  getting  in  his  rear  at  Front 
Royal  and  Middletown. 

The  move  to  Pisgah  Church  left  the  Federal 


SUCCESS  OF  THE  ARMY  159 

army  open  to  attack  on  its  left  flank.  Owing  to 
a  misunderstanding  of  Lee's  orders  the  Confeder- 
ate troops  failed  to  push  north  from  Pisgah 
Church  and  close  in  on  the  rear  of  Pope's  army 
at  Culpeper.  A  delay  of  two  days  gave  Pope 
the  opportunity  to  fall  back  and  protect  his  rear; 
and  he  took  a  position  on  the  Rappahannock  River 
between  Brandy  Station  and  Manassas. 

In  the  meantime,  Jackson,  following  the  re- 
treating force  of  Pope,  reached  Brandy  Station 
after  a  march  of  20  miles.  On  August  2 1st  Pope 
had  massed  his  entire  force  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rappahannock,  where  he  occupied  a  strong  posi- 
tion. It  now  became  necessary  to  employ  one  of 
those  flank  movements,  with  which  Jackson  was 
so  familiar.  While  Lee,  with  a  large  force, 
threatened  Pope  in  front  Jackson  moved  around 
Pope's  right  wing  in  the  direction  of  Warrenton 
Springs,  where  he  crossed  the  river  under  many 
difficulties;  and,  by  keeping  the  enemy  deceived 
as  to  his  movements,  he  pushed  north  around 
Pope's  flank  and  soon  reached  Warrenton. 

Up  to  this  time  the  Confederate  forces  were 
obstinately  confronted  by  the  Federals,  and  a  line 
of  action  was  called  for  that  would  place  Pope 
on  the  defensive  and  in  a  false  position.  At  a 
conference  held  between  Lee  and  Jackson  on 
August  the  24th  it  was  decided  to  divide  the  army 
and  to  send  Jackson  north  and  across  Bull  Run 


160        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

Mountain  through  Thoroughfare  Gap,  where  he 
could  strike  the  railroad  in  the  rear  of  Pope  and 
cut  off  his  communication  with  Washington.  In 
the  meanwhile  Longstreet  was  to  hold  Pope  in  his 
present  position,  by  threatening  his  front. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  August  26th,  Jackson 
passed  through  the  Gap  in  Bull  Run  Mountain 
and  pressed  forward  through  Haymarket  and 
Gainesville  to  Bristow  Station,  four  miles  south 
of  Manassas  Junction.  Burning  the  railroad 
bridge  across  Broad  Run  and  securing  a  strong 
position  behind  the  stream,  he  proceeded  to  Ma- 
nassas and  seized  all  the  stores,  destroying  what  he 
could  not  use  nor  move.  All  Pope's  supplies  were 
now  in  Jackson's  hands.  Pope  was  at  this  time 
between  Warrenton  and  Manassas,  with  Jackson 
in  his  rear  and  Longstreet  pressing  him  in  front. 
His  force  greatly  outnumbered  the  divided 
armies  of  Lee  and  it  was  his  plan  to  crush  the 
forces  under  Jackson  now  in  his  rear  at  Manassas. 
Not  knowing  the  strength  and  exact  position  of 
Jackson's  army,  Pope  struck  wildly  and  scattered 
his  men  in  all  directions, — an  evidence  of  confu- 
sion of  mind  and  desperation  of  spirit.  Jackson 
loitered  at  the  Junction  some  hours  and  allowed 
his  men  to  enjoy  the  luxuries  of  food  that  were 
found  in  the  enemy's  camp.  It  is  not  difficult 
to  imagine  the  happiness  of  the  men, — who  had 
for  days  covered  long  distances  by  march,  living 


SUCCESS  OF  THE  ARMY  161 

largely  on  green  corn  and  apples, — when  they 
came  into  possession  of  the  sutlers'  wagons  and 
dainty  food  supplies  so  abundantly  handed  out  to 
them. 

Jackson's  position  at  Manassas  was  exceedingly 
dangerous,  but  he  calculated  his  chances,  with  his 
usual  clearness  and  discretion.  He  was  in  the 
rear  of  large  forces  commanded  by  Pope  and  was 
separated  from  the  army  under  Longstreet  by  over 
a  day's  march.  Removing  as  much  captured 
goods  as  possible,  he  set  fire  to  the  enormous  stores 
at  Manassas  and  quietly  withdrew  to  a  strong  posi- 
tion about  five  miles  north  by  west,  where  he  en- 
camped and  took  measures  for  the  expected  attack 
by  the  Federal  army. 

Jackson  had  planned  that  in  case  of  defeat  he 
could  withdraw  his  army  through  a  pass  in  Bull 
Run  Mountain  by  way  of  Aldee.  Established  in 
this  position,  he  was  prepared  for  offensive  opera- 
tions on  the  part  of  the  enemy;  and  if  he  could 
hold  his  ground  until  Longstreet  could  join  him, 
he  felt  able  to  deal  a  severe  blow  to  the  Federals. 
Pope,  as  soon  as  he  was  informed  of  the  capture 
of  Manassas,  withdrew  from  the  Rappahannock 
and  rushed  back  to  Manassas,  holding  to  the  view 
that  the  force  that  had  captured  the  place  was  only 
a  raiding  party  of  cavalry.  At  that  time  he  was 
not  aware  that  the  entire  command  under  Jackson 
was  in  his  rear.     He  lost  valuable  time  in  march- 


162        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

ing  and  countermarching  to  discover  Jackson's 
position.  He  did  not  know  the  position  of  his 
own  troops  until  informed  that  his  men  under 
General  King  and  General  Gibbons  had  run  up 
against  Jackson  and  had  been  engaged  in  a  severe 
fight,  which  Jackson  had  brought  on  with  the  in- 
tention of  drawing  the  whole  Federal  army  on 
him.  The  effect  was  shown  by  the  results  of  the 
next  two  days. 

Late  at  night,  when  Pope  learned  of  the  en- 
gagement at  Groveton,  he  gave  orders  for  an  at- 
tack on  Jackson  on  the  morning  of  August  29th. 
His  purpose  was  to  hurl  a  large  force  against 
Jackson  before  reinforcement  could  reach  him,  and 
thus  crush  him.  Jackson  was  not  aware  at  that 
time  that  Longstreet  had  broken  through  Thor- 
oughfare Gap  and  was  near  at  hand.  His  posi- 
tion seemed  critical,  with  the  whole  of  Pope's 
army  in  front  of  him.  With  the  coolness  and 
courage  that  never  deserted  him  under  the  most 
trying  circumstances,  he  arranged  his  men  in  line 
of  battle  for  the  oncoming  attack.  By  early  dawn 
the  Federal  troops  were  seen  advancing  in  columns 
for  the  attack.  In  the  meantime  Jackson  had 
learned  that  Longstreet  was  near  at  hand,  and  he 
prepared  to  hold  the  enemy  at  bay  until  Long- 
street  could  give  a  counterstroke  to  the  left  wing 
of  Pope's  army. 

All  day,  and  until  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 


SUCCESS  OF  THE  ARMY  163 

Pope  hurled  his  columns  against  the  Confederates, 
with  a  dash  and  daring  that  indicated  a  desperate 
frame  of  mind.  As  his  men  assaulted  the  Confed- 
erate lines  at  every  point  they  were  driven  back 
with  dreadful  slaughter.  The  fields  were  covered 
with  the  dead  and  the  wounded.  Within  a  few 
hours  Pope  had  lost  over  eight  thousand  men ;  and 
the  Confederate  losses  were  also  large.  After 
making  five  assaults  and  not  breaking  the  Confed- 
erate lines,  Pope  ordered  a  retreat  and  withdrew 
from  the  field  to  renew  the  attack  the  following 
morning. 

During  the  night  the  Confederates  rested 
quietly  on  their  arms,  retaining  the  position  held 
the  previous  day.  General  Lee,  now  in  command 
of  all  the  Confederate  forces  on  the  field,  remained 
on  the  defensive,  waiting  for  the  opportunity  to 
give  a  fatal  blow  to  Pope.  On  August  the  30th 
Pope  was  still  under  the  delusion  that  he  had  so 
crippled  the  enemy  the  day  before  that  an  easy 
victory  was  now  in  store  for  him,  so  he  massed 
his  forces  for  an  attack  at  midday  and  his  army 
being  in  position  he  gave  orders  for  an  advance. 
Assault  after  assault  was  made  upon  the  Confeder- 
ate lines,  but  they  held  their  ground  and  inflicted 
dreadful  punishment  upon  the  attacking  party. 
After  four  hours  of  slaughter  Pope  ordered  a  re- 
treat. 

As  his  men  fell  back  from  Jackson's  front  Lee 


164        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

saw  his  opportunity  and  ordered  his  whole  army 
to  advance.  With  a  strong  and  determined  move- 
ment, the  Confederates  drove  Pope's  lines  back  on 
Bull  Run  and  Centreville.  Night  only  put  an 
end  to  the  brilliant  victory  Lee  had  won.  On 
September  the  1st  and  2d  the  Federal  army  re- 
tired to  the  Potomac ;  General  McClellan  was  put 
in  charge  of  the  Federal  army,  and  Pope  was  al- 
lowed to  resign.  As  a  commander  of  large  bodies 
of  men  he  was  a  failure ;  as  a  braggart  and  bluffer 
he  was  an  eminent  success,  until  the  bluff  was 
called.  The  people  of  Virginia  have  reason  to 
chastise  his  memory  with  criticism  and  disrespect. 
Though  the  example  he  set  found  many  followers 
during  the  subsequent  years  of  the  war, — such  as 
Sherman,  Sheridan,  Hunter,  and  others  of  lesser 
light, — his  associate  officers  in  the  Union  army 
were  at  that  time  gentlemen  and  conducted  the 
war  on  a  high  plane  of  decency  and  honor. 


CHAPTER    XIV 

EVENTS  IN   OUR  VILLAGE   IN   THE   SUMMER  OF  '62 

The  Second  Battle  of  Manassas  gave  to  the  Con- 
federates many  spoils  and  captured  goods.  A 
short  time  after  the  battle  railroad  communication 
was  reestablished  for  a  few  days  between  our  vil- 
lage and  Manassas,  and  cars  loaded  with  all  kinds 
of  army  supplies  were  shipped  to  our  place  for 
transportation  into  the  interior.  I  remember  see- 
ing a  number  of  gondolas  loaded  with  muskets, 
rifles,  pistols,  and  other  arms  that  had  been  picked 
up  on  the  battlefield,  either  spoils  of  war  or 
weapons  that  had  been  discarded  by  the  Confed- 
erates for  better  ones  taken  from  the  enemy.  All 
this  old  material  was  useful  to  the  Confederate 
soldiers,  as  it  placed  them  in  possession  of  arms 
much  more  valuable  than  those  furnished  by  the 
War  Department. 

During  the  greater  part  of  the  early  summer  of 
1862  there  were  Federal  troops  located  at  our  vil- 
lage. In  the  latter  weeks  of  July  a  regiment  of 
infantry  and  two  companies  of  cavalry  were  en- 
camped about  a  mile  away,  and  two  companies  of 
infantry  were  encamped  at  the  edge  of  the  village 

165 


166        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

on  duty  as  a  guard  for  the  Provost-Marshal,  who 
had  his  headquarters  in  the  hotel.  They  were  an 
orderly  and  well-behaved  set  of  men,  among  whom 
were  some  very  gentlemanly  officers.  As  my  home 
was  in  the  suburbs  the  outpost  picket  was  on  a 
road  near  the  house,  and  we  could  neither  go  in 
nor  come  out  of  the  village,  without  a  pass  from 
the  Provost-Marshal.  The  pass  was  given  with- 
out objection;  but  as  the  pass  was  good  only  for 
the  day  on  which  it  was  issued,  it  was  necessary 
to  have  it  renewed  frequently.  In  this  way  I 
learned  to  know  the  officers  in  charge  quite  well. 
One  afternoon  a  few  of  our  boys,  somewhat 
older  than  myself,  insisted  that  I  should  join  them 
in  a  swim  in  the  river,  a  mile  distant  and  outside 
the  picket  line.  We  had  to  steal  by  the  picket  by 
going  through  a  field  and  woods,  away  from  the 
main  road,  to  get  to  the  river ;  and  we  were  all  in, 
having  a  glorious  time,  when  in  some  way  the 
Provost-Marshal  learned  of  our  escape  and  sent 
a  squad  of  infantry  after  us.  We  were  ordered 
to  don  our  clothes,  and  were  marched  under  guard 
to  the  Provost-Marshal's  office.  This  was  my 
first  experience  as  a  prisoner  and  the  situation  did 
not  seem  to  offer  much  comfort.  Whether  my 
crime  called  for  a  light  sentence  or  a  heavy  one  I 
did  not  know.  However,  the  good-hearted  officer 
gave  us  only  a  lecture  on  our  breach  of  military 
rules,   then  laughed  heartily  over  our  escapade. 


EVENTS  IN  OUR  VILLAGE        167 

I  was  greatly  relieved  and  thought  this  captain 
a  very  fine  fellow. 

The  colonel  of  the  regiment  was  a  very  large 
and  stout  man, — inactive  and  somewhat  advanced 
in  years, — who  had  the  reputation  of  being  a  first- 
class  gentleman  but  a  very  poor  soldier.  He  dele- 
gated the  command  almost  entirely  to  the  lieu- 
tenant-colonel,— a  much  more  active  officer  and  a 
younger  one.  At  this  time  I  was  taken  sick  with 
a  fever,  which  alarmed  my  parents  very  much. 
Our  old  family  physician  was  too  ill  to  do  pro- 
fessional work.  So  my  father  called  the  Assist- 
ant Surgeon  of  the  Federal  Regiment, — a  young 
man  of  most  gentle  manner, — to  attend  me.  As 
my  symptoms  indicated  a  typhoid  condition  the 
young  military  doctor  requested  the  Chief  Sur- 
geon to  see  me  in  consultation.  Between  the  two 
I  was  soon  restored  to  health.  These  two  surgeons 
were  exceedingly  kind  to  our  citizens,  assisting 
the  older  resident  physicians  in  their  attendance 
on  a  number  of  sick  villagers,  and  supplying  the 
patients  with  medicines  which  our  own  physicians 
did  not  have.  Our  people  became  much  attached 
to  them,  realizing  that  the  surgeons  of  the  two 
armies  were  equally  attentive  to  the  wounded  and 
sick,  whether  Confederate  or  Federal.  This  spirit 
of  humanity  has  almost  invariably  characterized 
the  members  of  the  medical  profession.  Our  com- 
mon humanity  should  always  appeal  to  the  nobler 


168        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

instincts  of  our  nature  and  we  should  always  be 
ready  to  aid  our  fellow-man  in  sickness  or  misfor- 
tune. It  is  due  to  our  people  to  say  that  during 
the  war  the  sick  and  wounded  of  both  Federal  and 
Confederate  armies  were  treated  with  equal  con- 
sideration. I  know  that  in  my  own  home  we  made 
no  distinction. 

At  this  time  an  incident  occurred  that  for  a  few 
hours  created  an  unusual  commotion  and  excite- 
ment. While  the  Federal  troops  were  quietly 
resting  in  camp,  not  dreaming  of  an  attack  by  the 
Confederates,  they  were  suddenly  surprised  by  a 
small  raiding  body  of  cavalry  that  dashed  into  the 
village  and  captured  the  Provost-Marshal  and  his 
associates  on  duty  at  their  headquarters  in  the 
hotel.  Suddenly  surprising  the  pickets,  they 
dashed  into  the  streets  and  captured  the  officers 
before  the  two  companies  on  guard  could  come 
to  their  aid,  the  companies  being  in  camp  at  the 
north  end  of  the  village  and  the  raiders  having 
come  in  from  the  south.  Several  of  them  rode 
down  a  back  street  and  fired  into  the  camp.  The 
soldiers  rushed  wildly  into  their  tents,  but  before 
they  could  form  in  company  or  squad  the  Confed- 
erates had  seized  the  Provost-Marshal  and  the 
men  that  were  with  him. 

The  prisoners, — some  on  foot  and  others 
mounted  behind  the  cavalrymen, — were  hurried 
out  of  the  village.     The  retreat  of  the  cavalry  was 


EVENTS  IN  OUR  VILLAGE        169 

made  slow  by  the  march  of  those  on  foot  and  the 
weight  of  those  carried  behind  on  the  horses.  In 
the  meantime,  the  two  companies  of  Federal  cav- 
alry, with  the  regiment  of  infantry  on  the  hill,  hur- 
riedly saddled  their  horses  and  gave  chase.  As 
they  were  unencumbered,  they  made  good  time  and 
overtook  the  Confederates  five  miles  south  of  the 
village.  The  Confederates  had  already  released 
the  prisoners  on  foot  as  well  as  a  few  of  those 
riding  double,  for  they  could  not  make  time  and 
they  knew  that  they  were  being  pursued. 

Among  those  captured  was  the  Chief  Surgeon, 
Dr.  Wm.  Marshall,  who  was  mounted  behind  one 
of  the  men  and  carried  over  a  mile.  When  he 
made  known  the  fact  that  he  was  a  surgeon  he  was 
immediately  released  and  allowed  to  return  to  his 
command.  This  doctor  frequently  laughed  over 
his  capture  as  a  huge  joke,  and  did  not  take  at  all 
seriously  the  treatment  he  received.  Some  years 
after  the  war  I  met  him  at  a  seaside  resort  and 
spent  several  hours  with  him  recalling  incidents 
connected  with  his  stay  in  our  village  when  a  sur- 
geon in  the  army.  He  recalled  his  capture  by  the 
Confederates  as  I  have  related  it  and  referred  to 
the  experience  as  a  most  interesting  episode  in  his 
life.  He  told  me  that  a  rebel  cavalryman  had 
picked  him  up  on  the  street  and  ordered  him  to 
mount  his  horse  as  fast  as  possible.  With  the 
double  load,  the  cavalryman  struck  out  for  the 


170        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

country  as  fast  as  his  horse  could  run.  After  going 
a  mile  the  horse  began  to  slow  down  in  his  gait, 
when  Dr.  Marshall  remarked  to  the  cavalryman 
that  he  was  a  surgeon.  He  was  immediately 
dropped  in  the  road,  and  the  horse,  relieved  of  the 
burden,  struck  off  at  a  faster  pace  and  was  soon  out 
of  sight.  The  surgeon  then  walked  slowly  back 
to  the  village,  meeting  on  his  return  the  Federal 
cavalry  in  full  pursuit  of  the  Confederates. 

The  prisoners  were  dropped  all  along  the  road- 
side; the  Provost-Marshal  being  the  last  set  at 
liberty.  They  were  overtaken  by  the  Federals 
about  five  miles  south  of  the  village  and  only 
made  good  their  escape  by  dispersing  and  fleeing  in 
every  direction.  All  the  prisoners  were  released, 
but  they  held  on  to  the  horses  they  had  captured. 

Nothing  came  of  this  raid  except  one  unfor- 
tunate casualty.  On  the  retreat  from  the  village 
three  or  four  of  the  cavalrymen  were  separated 
from  their  companions,  and  had  to  make  their  es- 
cape by  a  road  that  ran  south, — in  a  different  di- 
rection from  the  one  in  which  they  had  come. 
In  rushing  out  of  the  village  they  ran  into  the  rear 
of  the  picket  posted  on  the  road  a  half-mile  south; 
and  the  sentry  on  duty,  seeing  the  men  coming 
towards  him,  did  not  know  whether  he  was  con- 
fronted by  his  friends  or  enemies  until  he  saw 
the  gray  uniforms  of  the  men.  He  stood  at  his 
post,  and  gave  the  order  to  halt;  then  fired  his 


EVENTS  IN  OUR  VILLAGE        171 

gun.  The  fire  was  returned  by  the  men  in  full 
gallop,  and  the  sentry  fell  dead  at  his  post,  while 
the  men  rushed  on,  without  taking  time  to  see  what 
damage  they  had  done.  The  dead  soldier  was 
taken  into  a  house  near  by  and  his  body  was  kept 
until  his  comrades  were  notified  of  his  death. 
This  affair  was  sufficient  to  arouse  attention  and 
to  demand  stronger  picket  posts  at  a  greater  dis- 
tance from  the  village  on  the  roads  leading  south. 
This  regiment  was  in  camp  some  three  weeks, 
and  then  left  to  join  the  forces  under  Pope  east  of 
the  Blue  Ridge. 

From  this  time  forward  our  village  was  never 
used  as  a  permanent  encampment  for  Federal 
troops.  It  became  a  stamping  ground  for  both 
armies  passing  north  and  south,  but  was  seldom 
occupied  longer  than  two  or  three  days  at  a  time. 

Early  in  August  a  division  of  Federals,  com- 
manded by  General  Sigel,  halted  several  days  on 
their  march  from  the  Valley  to  join  Pope  in  Cul- 
peper  County.  This  command  was  made  up 
largely  of  Germans,  with  one  brigade  of  Ohio  and 
Western  men,  commanded  by  General  Robert 
Schenck.  These  German  troops  could  not  speak 
English  and  they  had  a  bad  reputation  as  thieves 
and  pillagers  of  dairies  and  chicken-houses.  They 
gave  some  of  our  citizens  trouble,  for  they  cleaned 
up  the  poultry  yards  and  orchards  wherever  they 
went;  and  as  they  had  a  great  fondness  for  milk 


172        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

they  did  not  hesitate  to  milk  any  cow  that  came 
their  way,  drinking  the  milk  warm  from  the  cow's 
udder.  In  this  connection  I  will  tell  an  amusing 
incident  I  witnessed,  which  shows  the  brutal  ap- 
petite of  some  men.  A  few  cows  belonging  to  our 
citizens  were  grazing  in  a  meadow.  The  gentle 
cows  had  all  been  milked  by  the  soldiers,  and  there 
was  one  young  heifer  that  was  not  well  broken  to 
stand  when  milked.  The  men  drove  this  animal 
into  a  corner  and  with  their  bayonets  held  her  as 
quiet  as  possible.  One  fellow  got  on  his  knees  and 
tried  to  milk  her,  but  the  animal  gave  a  lurch  and 
landed  both  feet  on  the  man's  chest,  knocking  him 
over.  His  comrades  laughed  heartily  and  then 
tried  to  corner  the  animal  a  second  time,  with  no 
better  success.  At  length  they  gave  up  the  job 
and  let  her  go. 

General  Schenck,  who  commanded  a  brigade  in 
Sigel's  Division,  was  a  guest  in  our  home  at  that 
time,  or,  to  be  more  exact,  he  had  politely  asked 
to  make  his  headquarters  in  our  house  during  his 
stay.  As  it  was  always  a  protection  to  a  family 
to  have  one  or  more  Federal  officers  quartered  in 
or  near  a  private  home,  almost  all  our  citizens  were 
willing  to  entertain  these  officers,  for  they  were 
gentlemen,  and  during  the  first  two  years  of  the 
war  they  were  most  respectful  and  considerate. 
General  Schenck  and  his  staff  were  no  excep- 
tion to  the  rule.     He  was  a  very  courteous  and 


EVENTS  IN  OUR  VILLAGE        173 

kind-hearted  man,  whom  we  could  respect  even 
though  he  was  an  enemy  of  our  country. 

As  I  recall  him  he  was  a  large,  stout,  and  rugged- 
looking  man  of  middle  life,  with  auburn  hair, 
slightty  tinged  with  gray.  He  had  been  a  mem- 
ber of  Congress  from  Ohio  and  thus  early  in  the 
war  had  not  been  able  to  establish  a  great  reputa- 
tion as  a  soldier.  He  was  very  intelligent,  ami- 
able and  courtly  in  manner,  and  most  deferential 
to  ladies.  Every  morning  before  breakfast  he 
would  go  into  the  garden  and  pluck  the  most 
beautiful  rose,  bring  it  to  the  house,  and  present  it 
to  my  mother.  He  always  wore  a  flower  in  the 
lapel  of  his  coat,  which  indicated  a  refinement  and 
delicacy  of  sentiment  not  often  observed  among 
military  men. 

He  was  very  careful  in  his  dress,  and  had  as  his 
valet  a  young  mulatto  man  who  looked  after  his 
personal  comfort.  When  he  left  our  home  this 
negro  stole  an  overcoat  belonging  to  my  father  and 
a  number  of  small  articles  belonging  to  the  room 
occupied  by  General  Schenck.  My  father  wrote 
to  General  Schenck  and  gave  him  a  list  of  the 
articles  stolen,  having,  however,  no  expectation  of 
ever  recovering  the  articles,  and  writing  more  to 
post  the  General  as  to  the  honesty  of  his  valet. 
Much  to  our  surprise,  some  three  or  four  days  later 
a  courier  came  all  the  way  from  Sperryville,  some 
30  miles  distant,  and  brought  the  stolen  goods, 


174        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

with  a  courteous  note  from  the  General,  offering 
apologies  for  the  negro. 

The  negro  had  stolen  the  goods  but  claimed  that 
he  had  taken  them  believing  that  they  belonged 
to  the  General.  The  valet  had  lied,  for  he  knew 
perfectly  well  that  the  Confederate  gray  overcoat, 
with  cloth  buttons,  was  much  too  small  for  a  man 
of  General  Schenck's  large  proportions.  Fortu- 
nately he  had  been  caught  before  he  had  time  to 
dispose  of  the  stolen  goods.  A  small  incident  like 
this  would  have  been  disregarded  by  the  vast  ma- 
jority of  men  in  the  General's  position;  and  his 
attention  to  so  small  a  matter  showed  his  nice  sense 
of  honor  and  his  consideration  for  the  rights  of  a 
citizen  in  whose  home  he  had  passed  only  a  few 
days. 

General  Schenck  was  a  seasoned  soldier.  At 
the  battle  of  Slaughter  Mountain  Sigel's  Division 
suffered  severely  and  General  Schenck's  Brigade 
bore  the  brunt  of  the  fight.  Again,  at  Second 
Manassas  Sigel's  troops  were  severely  handled,  and 
General  Schenck  was  wounded  and  as  a  result  lost 
an  arm.  After  the  close  of  the  war  he  was  ap- 
pointed Minister  to  the  Court  of  St.  James  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States.  During  his  serv- 
ice in  England  he  became  very  popular  because  of 
his  rare  social  gifts  and  his  genial  personality. 
He  was  also  the  author  of  a  book  on  the  game  of 
poker, — a  book  that  became  an  authority,  and  has 


EVENTS  IN  OUR  VILLAGE        175 

been  widely  used  by  card  players.  Because  of 
this  contribution  to  the  amusement  of  the  public 
he  obtained  the  sobriquet  of  "Poker  Schenck,"  per- 
haps the  most  widely  known  way  of  distinguishing 
him. 

In  relating  these  incidents  I  am  perhaps  repeat- 
ing much  history  that  is  known  to  the  generation 
that  lived  just  before,  during,  and  after  the  war. 
Yet  many  of  the  facts  related  may  have  an  interest 
to  the  present  generation  and  to  those  that  follow, 
since  they  illustrate  the  character  and  temper  of 
the  times  and  of  the  people  who  took  part  in 
the  events  recorded. 


CHAPTER    XV 

STONEWALL   JACKSON   AND   THE   MARYLAND   CAM- 
PAIGN 

In  the  early  spring  of  1862  the  people  of  Virginia 
found  large  bodies  of  Federal  troops  invading  her 
territory.  McClellan  had  pushed  his  forces  on  the 
Peninsula  within  a  few  miles  of  Richmond,  and 
the  fall  of  the  Confederate  capital  seemed  prob- 
able. In  the  Shenandoah  Valley  the  Federals  had 
reached  as  far  as  Harrisonburg,  and  held  posses- 
sion of  the  most  fertile  section  west  of  the  Blue 
Ridge.  A  large  army  under  General  Pope  was 
pushing  into  the  interior  by  way  of  Culpeper 
Court  House  and  Gordonsville.  The  armies  of 
the  Confederacy  were  kept  in  constant  action  on 
the  defense,  yielding  here  and  there  to  the  pressure 
of  larger  forces  in  front.  Nothing  but  the  mis- 
takes of  the  enemy  and  the  boldness  and  activity 
of  the  Confederate  armies  could  change  the  situa- 
tion. The  first  opportunity  came  when  Jackson 
pushed  west  and  defeated  the  Federal  army  at  Mc- 
Dowell on  May  8th  and  9th.  Returning  to  the 
Valley  with  this  prestige  of  success,  Jackson  be- 
gan the  great  campaign  that  resulted  in  the  defeat 
of  the  armies  under  Banks.  Shields,  and  Fremont. 

176 


STONEWALL  JACKSON  177 

Within  30  days  he  had  marched  his  men  over 
200  miles,  and  captured  large  supplies  and  pris- 
oners and  had  defeated  the  Federal  armies  in  every 
engagement.  This  great  strategy  and  accomplish- 
ment had  raised  Jackson's  name  to  the  highest  re- 
nown; but  this  quiet,  earnest  man  was  thinking 
and  caring  little  for  his  personal  distinction.  His 
best  efforts  were  devoted  to  the  cause  he  loved,  and 
his  one  aim  was  to  free  his  State  from  the  invading 
army. 

The  movement  of  Jackson's  forces  to  the  Penin- 
sula and  his  cooperation  with  Lee  soon  led  to  the 
defeat  of  McClellan  and  the  withdrawal  of  his 
army  from  the  front  of  Richmond.  Next  came 
the  advance  north  led  by  Jackson,  the  battle  with 
Pope  at  Slaughter  Mountain,  and  the  flank  move- 
ment around  Pope,  resulting  in  the  retreat  of  his 
army  to  the  Rappahannock,  where  it  was  held  on 
the  defensive  until  Jackson  had  moved  around  his 
right  wing,  captured  Manassas,  with  its  stores,  and 
cut  off  all  communication  with  Washington. 

Next  came  the  second  battle  of  Manassas  with 
complete  rout  of  the  Federal  army  and  its  retreat 
to  the  Potomac. 

The  successes  of  the  Confederate  arms  in  such 
rapid  succession  had  driven  the  Federal  forces 
almost  entirely  off  the  soil  of  Virginia.  In  all 
these  victories  the  genius  of  Stonewall  Jackson 
stood  out  in  bold  relief.     As  a  strategist,  as  a 


178        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

leader,  as  a  genius  of  bold  and  daring  adventure, 
he  had  no  equal.  Jackson  was  always  aggressive, 
his  mind  was  full  of  initiative,  of  cunning,  and 
daring,  which  gave  a  spirit  of  inspiration  to  all 
his  actions  and  movements.  His  secretiveness,  his 
earnest  piety,  his  faith  in  the  guiding  hand  of 
Providence,  his  belief  in  himself  and  his  mission, 
all  gave  a  force  to  his  military  genius, — a  genius 
that  grasped  every  situation  and  carried  him 
through  every  difficulty  he  encountered.  The 
mystery  of  the  man  was  the  inspiration  of  the  men 
who  followed  him,  who  believed  in  him,  and  who 
knew  no  such  words  as  failure  and  defeat  with 
him  at  their  head. 

These  military  movements  of  Jackson  have 
been  studied  and  written  up  by  the  students  of 
military  history  and  by  the  ablest  critics  of  war- 
fare; they  have  been  made  the  text-book  for  the 
student  of  the  science  of  war,  and  they  will  ever 
hold  a  place  side  by  side  with  the  work  of  the 
greatest  soldiers  of  ancient  and  modern  times. 

Jackson  had  long  advised  the  invasion  of 
Northern  territory,  and  after  the  First  Manassas 
he  had  advocated  an  attack  on  Washington.  The 
opportunity  was  now  favorable  for  an  aggressive 
movement  north  of  the  Potomac.  In  this  advance 
Lee  assigned  the  leadership  to  Jackson.  On  Sep- 
tember 2d  Jackson,  with  his  command,  pushed 
across   the   Potomac   at  White's   Ferry   and   as- 


STONEWALL  JACKSON  179 

sembled  his  men  in  Frederick  City.  Lee  with  the 
larger  army  followed.  The  combined  forces 
under  Lee  were  estimated  at  64,000  men,  but  as 
there  were  many  stragglers  the  active  force  was 
10,000  less.  The  Federal  army  under  McClellan 
was  at  that  time  being  assembled  and  reorganized 
in  and  around  Washington.  It  numbered  over 
100,000  men  in  arms,  while  a  Federal  army  of 
8,000  men,  under  General  White,  was  in  posses- 
sion of  Harper's  Ferry,  and  some  3,000  men  were 
in  Winchester,  there  being  also  about  the  same 
number  at  Martinsburg, — all  in  the  rear  of  the 
Confederate  forces  then  concentrating  near  Fred- 
erick City. 

It  was  evidently  the  purpose  of  the  Federal 
authorities  to  hold  Harper's  Ferry,  and  embarrass 
the  rear  of  the  Confederate  army,  and  cut  off  its 
communication  with  the  South  by  way  of  the 
Valley.  It  was  evident  to  Lee  that  this  Federal 
force  should  be  dislodged  at  once.  Longstreet, 
with  25,000  men,  declined  to  lead  the  attack  on 
Harper's  Ferry,  and  Jackson  at  once  assumed  this 
difficult  task.  On  September  10th  Jackson, — his 
command  reinforced  by  three  divisions, — began  to 
invest  Harper's  Ferry  on  three  sides. 

Crossing  South  Mountain  at  Turner's  Gap,  he 
moved  west  in  the  direction  of  Williamsport, 
where  he  crossed  the  Potomac.  He  then  marched 
to  Martinsburg,  to  drive  the  Federal  troops  sta- 


180        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

tioned  there  into  the  net  at  Harper's  Ferry. 
Closing  in  around  the  garrison  now  occupying 
strong  positions  on  the  heights  around  this  place, 
he  began  preparations  for  its  immediate  capture. 
Prompt  work  was  required,  for  McClellan  was 
pressing  through  Frederick  City  and  South  Moun- 
tain to  the  relief  of  General  White,  now  walled 
in  by  Jackson.  During  the  13th  and  14th  Jack- 
son's batteries  played  on  the  garrison  and  soon 
convinced  General  White  that  further  resistance 
was  impossible. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  15th  the  place  was 
surrendered  unconditionally,  with  a  loss  to  the 
Confederate  side  of  less  than  one  hundred  men. 
General  White  surrendered  12,000  prisoners,  with 
as  many  small  arms,  73  pieces  of  artillery,  and  all 
stores,  wagons,  horses,  and  army  equipments  in  the 
place.  The  results  of  the  surrender  were  very 
advantageous  to  Lee,  as  his  forces  were  being 
heavily  pressed  through  South  Mountain  by 
McClellan  and  his  90,000  and  more  men.  Lee 
was  forced  to  retire  to  Sharpsburg  where  he  was 
joined  by  Jackson, — now  released  from  Harper's 
Ferry. 

The  ground  around  Sharpsburg  was  elevated  on 
a  plateau,  bordered  on  the  north  and  east  by 
Antietam  Creek, — a  rugged  stream  that  wound  its 
way  through  high  banks  to  the  Potomac,  which 
was  from  one  to  three  miles  west  of  Lee's  posi- 


STONEWALL  JACKSON  181 

tion.  With  an  army  now  reduced  to  45,000  men, 
it  was  a  serious  question  whether  Lee  should,  with 
90,000  men  assaulting  his  lines,  remain  on  the 
defensive  or  retire  across  the  river  and  take  a  posi- 
tion on  Virginia  soil,  thus  abandoning  the  object 
of  the  Maryland  campaign :  a  decisive  battle  with 
McClellan  and  a  crippling  of  his  army.  Lee  de- 
cided to  stand  at  bay  and  await  an  assault  from 
McClellan.  He  had  little  to  expect  from  this 
line  of  action  except  a  dignified  defense  and  a 
retreat  that  would  retain  the  morale  of  his  army 
and  weaken  the  force  of  the  Federal  blow  aimed 
at  him.  The  ground  and  position,  properly  se- 
cured by  works,  hastily  constructed,  were  favor- 
able for  defensive  operations;  and  the  burden  of 
attack  was  placed  on  the  Federal  troops,  which 
up  to  this  time  had  met  with  indifferent  success 
in  assaults  upon  Lee's  men. 

Before  daylight  of  September  17th,  the  firing 
of  the  pickets  began  between  the  two  lines,  and 
within  a  short  time  the  Federals,  led  by  Hooker, 
began  the  attack  on  the  left  wing,  held  by  Jackson 
and  his  men.  Following  a  cannonade  lasting  an 
hour,  the  advance  was  made  through  a  wide  open 
field;  the  Federals  pushing  forward  with  energy 
and  daring,  until  they  encountered  the  Con- 
federate lines,  when  the  resistance  became  ob- 
stinate and  unyielding. 

Charge  and  countercharge  were  made  and  re- 


182        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

pulsed.  The  artillery  was  used  en  masse  to 
silence  the  Confederate  batteries  and  aid  the  ad- 
vancing columns  in  their  assaults.  The  firing 
from  Jackson's  men  was  poured  upon  the  charging 
columns,  with  deadly  effect.  The  men  were  cut 
down  in  such  numbers  that  the  field  was  soon 
covered  with  bodies  of  dead  men  and  wounded, 
while  the  living  were  mixed  in  wild  confusion. 
The  dead  lay  piled  up  in  front  of  the  Confederate 
lines  in  heaps;  still  the  Federals  rushed  in  and  in 
places  broke  through  the  lines,  only  to  be  forced 
back  for  renewed  assaults.  Backward  and  for- 
ward the  battle  raged,  with  clouds  of  smoke  and 
crash  of  muskets  and  almost  deafening  roar  of  ar- 
tillery. Neither  side  seemed  willing  to  yield.  As 
fresh  men  were  rushed  in  to  support  the  Federals 
the  Confederates  rallied  and  closed  in  their  de- 
pleted ranks.  From  one  end  of  the  line  to  the 
other  the  battle  raged  for  hours.  When  the  left 
wing  failed  to  give  away  the  center  of  the  line 
was  charged  and  recharged,  only  to  be  repulsed 
until  fresh  men  could  be  brought  into  action. 
Failing  to  break  the  left  and  center,  McClellan 
ordered  Burnside  to  attack  the  Confederate  right 
with  three  divisions.  Here  the  resistance  was 
long  and  bloody,  and  at  one  time  the  result  looked 
disastrous  to  the  Confederates;  but  General  A.  P. 
Hill,  coming  from  Harper's  Ferry  where  he 
had  been  with  Jackson,  brought  fresh  men  into 


STONEWALL  JACKSON  183 

action  in  time  to  save  the  wavering  lines  and 
drove  Burnside's  men  under  cover. 

This  fortunate  counterstroke  at  the  proper  time 
saved  the  day.  The  Federals  retired  from  the 
field  and  gave  up  the  struggle  for  the  day,  which, 
extending  from  daylight  to  early  afternoon,  had 
been  gigantic.  Every  moment  was  filled  with  in- 
tense action.  Marching,  countermarching,  firing, 
and  loading  had  put  a  strain  on  the  men  that  could 
last  no  longer.  When  night  came  both  armies 
were  exhausted;  many  soldiers,  without  food  or 
water,  fell  asleep  in  their  lines  almost  forgetful 
of  the  carnage  and  suffering  about  them.  Out  of 
130,000  men  who  had  met  on  the  field  in  the 
morning  over  20,000  had  been  killed  or  wounded. 
The  Federal  losses  were  greater  than  those  of  the 
Confederates;  for  the  attacking  party  had  been 
exposed  to  the  greater  danger.  No  less  than  fif- 
teen generals  and  brigadiers  had  fallen  in  the 
battle. 

After  the  battle  Lee  held  a  conference  with  his 
generals  to  decide  whether  the  army  should  re- 
treat during  the  night  and  cross  the  Potomac.  In 
this  conference,  after  all  had  given  their  opinions, 
General  Lee,  mounted  on  his  horse,  rose  in  his 
stirrups  and  said: 

"We  will  not  cross  the  Potomac  to-night.  If 
McClellan  wants  to  fight  in  the  morning,  I  will 
give  him  battle  again." 


184        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

The  will  and  courage  of  this  great  soldier  were 
invincible.  He  knew  McClellan.  He  knew  the 
temper  of  his  own  men. 

On  September  18th  the  two  armies  remained  in 
the  same  position.  McClellan  made  no  effort  to 
renew  the  attack.  Lee  collected  and  buried  his 
dead,  removed  his  wounded  across  the  Potomac 
as  far  as  was  possible,  and  then  during  the  night 
withdrew  his  entire  army  to  the  Virginia  side, 
taking  all  his  wagons  and  artillery  with  him. 

The  withdrawal  of  the  Confederates  gave 
McClellan  and  his  Government  the  nerve  to  claim 
the  battle  of  Antietam  as  a  great  Federal  victory; 
but  the  facts  did  not  warrant  any  such  claim,  for 
McClellan  had  been  balked  and  driven  back  at 
every  point.  His  army,  while  not  stampeded, 
was  prostrated  and  demoralized  for  the  time  being, 
and  some  da)s  passed  before  it  was  able  to  make 
an  aggressive  movement. 

With  the  return  of  the  Confederates  to  Vir- 
ginia the  campaign  of  1862  came  to  a  close.  The 
two  great  armies  that  had  met  on  hard-fought 
battlefields,  extending  from  the  Peninsula  to  the 
Potomac,  had  been  exhausted.  They  rested  like 
two  worn  out  game  cocks,  too  deeply  wounded  to 
resume  fight. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

FALL    AND    WINTER    OF     l862 

The  Valley  of  Virginia,  which  had  been  in  the 
possession  of  the  Federal  troops  since  the  early 
spring,  was  now  within  the  Confederate  lines. 
General  Lee  went  into  camp  in  the  northern  coun- 
ties of  the  Valley,  where  he  reorganized  his  army 
and  gradually  restored  its  efficiency.  At  his  sug- 
gestion to  the  President  the  Army  of  Northern 
Virginia  was  organized  into  two  army  corps,  the 
command  of  one  of  which  was  given  to  General 
James  Longstreet  and  the  other  to  General  T.  J. 
(Stonewall)  Jackson.  Each  was  made  a  lieuten- 
ant-general. Jackson  received  his  commission  on 
October  nth  and  was  placed  in  command  of  the 
Second  Army  Corps,  made  up  of  the  divisions  of 
Ewell  and  D.  H.  Hill  and  the  Stonewall  Division. 
His  corps  numbered  at  the  time  of  its  organiza- 
tion about  27,000  men.  The  First  Army  Corps, 
under  Longstreet,  was  transferred  to  eastern  Vir- 
ginia, and  went  into  camp  near  Culpeper  Court 
House. 

Jackson  remained  in  the  lower  Valley  for  some 
weeks  and  enjoyed  the  quiet  rest  of  the  camp  and 
the  beautiful  country  around.     The  larger  por- 

185 


186        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

tion  of  his  force  was  camped  on  the  Opequon, 
with  headquarters  at  Millwood,  Clarke  County. 
During  this  time  he  was  actively  engaged  in  de- 
stroying the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  and  the 
Manassas  Gap  Railroad,  between  Manassas  and 
Strasburg. 

Stuart  was  active.  With  his  cavalry  and  with 
600  picked  men,  well  mounted,  he  started  on 
October  9th  on  a  raid  into  Maryland  and  Pennsyl- 
vania. Crossing  the  Potomac  at  McCoy's  Ford, 
he  marched  north  to  Chambersburg,  which  he 
reached  late  on  the  evening  of  October  10th. 
Here  he  secured  a  number  of  horses  and  supplies, 
destroyed  rail  and  wire  communications,  and  rested 
until  morning.  He  then  marched  east  to  Em- 
metsburg,  Frederick  City,  and  Hyattsville,  where 
he  camped  for  the  night,  having  covered  a  distance 
of  90  miles  since  leaving  Chambersburg.  On  the 
12th  of  October  he  cut  the  lines  of  communication 
with  Washington,  but  running  into  Federal  troops 
that  were  on  the  lookout  for  him,  he  crossed  the 
Potomac  at  White's  Ferry  before  the  enemy  could 
close  in  on  him. 

He  then  rejoined  the  army  in  Virginia.  In  a 
space  of  58  hours  he  had  traveled  with  his  men 
126  miles  through  the  enemy's  country,  without 
a  casualty;  had  brought  back  several  hundred  fine 
horses,  and  had  located  the  positions  of  the  Fed- 
eral army.     He  was  vigorously  pursued  by  large 


FALL  AND  WINTER  OF  1862      187 

bodies  of  Federal  cavalry,  but  he  eluded  them  at 
every  point  and  inflicted  more  damage  on  their 
horses  by  the  circuitous  chases  he  led  them  than  he 
was  himself  exposed  to  by  the  direct  route  of 
travel  he  made.  The  raid  of  Stuart  had  the 
further  effect  of  delaying  the  movements  of 
McClellan.  It  was  not  until  October  26th  that 
McClellan  commenced  the  passage  of  the  Potomac 
and  again  invaded  Virginia.  At  this  time  he  had 
with  him  a  total  strength  of  225,000  men  for  of- 
fensive work,  and  this  army  had  been  thoroughly 
reorganized  and  equipped  for  active  service.  On 
November  7th  the  Sixth  Army  Corps  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac,  numbering  125,000  men,  with 
320  guns,  assembled  between  Bull  Run  Moun- 
tain and  the  Blue  Ridge.  In  Washington  a  garri- 
son of  80,000  was  encamped  and  along  the  Balti- 
more and  Ohio  Railroad  there  were  some  22,000 
men. 

To  face  this  powerful  force  the  Confederates 
had  a  total  of  71,809  men  and  279  guns, — a  force 
divided  at  that  time.  Lee  did  not  concentrate  his 
forces  in  front  of  McClellan,  but  held  the  Second 
Army  Corps  in  the  Valley  to  threaten  McClellan's 
rear.  As  soon,  however,  as  McClellan  advanced 
from  Warrenton  Lee  decided  to  unite  his  forces. 
This  advance  was  not  made,  for  on  the  same  day 
McClellan  was  removed  and  General  Burnside 
was  given  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Poto- 


188        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

mac.  Burnside  at  once  changed  McClellan's 
plans  and  moved  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  to 
Falmouth  on  the  Potomac,  and  later  to  Fredericks- 
burg. It  was  then  evident  that  the  line  of 
advance  on  Richmond  would  be  by  way  of  Fred- 
ericksburg. On  November  the  22d  Jackson  left 
Winchester,  on  the  27th  his  army  was  concen- 
trated at  Orange  Court  House,  37  miles  from 
Fredericksburg,  and  on  the  29th  the  First  and 
Second  Army  Corps  were  united  in  front  of  Burn- 
side. 

I  have  followed  these  military  movements 
through  the  campaign  of  1862  that  the  reader 
may  have  a  brief  view  of  the  operations  of  the 
different  forces  in  northern  Virginia,  that  he  may 
understand  the  situation  of  our  people,  and  the 
effect  these  movements  had  upon  the  domestic  life 
and  interests  of  our  citizens.  In  1862  our  vil- 
lage had  a  population  of  less  than  500.  It  was 
the  county  seat  and  only  village  of  any  importance 
in  the  county.  Located  on  a  railroad  running 
from  Washington  to  the  main  Valley  of  the 
Shenandoah,  it  was  in  communication  by  pikes 
with  a  large  agricultural  country  to  the  south  and 
southeast  that  gave  it  some  commercial  impor- 
tance and  considerable  inland  trade.  It  had  good 
stores,  four  churches,  a  court-house,  and  a  number 
of  attractive  private  homes.     With  the  exception 


FALL  AND  WINTER  OF  1862      189 

of  one  tanyard,  there  were  no  factories  in  the 
place. 

Our  townspeople  were  largely  represented  by 
the  professional  and  mercantile  element  and  a  few 
retired  farmers.  The  people  were  refined,  hos- 
pitable and  moral,  for  the  community  was  made 
up  of  old  families  who  owned  their  own  negroes 
and  some  property.  The  surrounding  country 
was  settled  by  a  well-to-do  rural  population  that 
owned  good  farms,  good  live  stock,  and  a  well- 
behaved  class  of  negroes.  When  the  war  broke 
out  our  people  were  happy  and  prosperous. 
There  was  no  poverty  in  our  county,  for  labor  was 
respected  and  worthy  of  its  hire,  and  a  comfortable 
living  was  within  the  reach  of  everyone.  Of 
course  all  this  was  changed  by  the  fortunes  of 
war.  All  personal  property  was  swept  away,  and 
many  of  our  citizens  were  impoverished.  Those 
who  owned  lands  were  generally  able  to  hold 
them,  but  all  improvements  on  the  land  were  so 
destroyed  that  the  bare  soil  was  about  all  that  was 
left.  Houses,  barns,  outbuildings,  and  fences 
were  in  many  instances  burned,  or  were  left  in 
such  a  dilapidated  condition  as  to  be  almost  worth- 
less. Only  two  flour  and  grist  mills  were  left  in 
the  county,  the  others  having  been  burned  in  the 
fall  of  1864  by  the  order  of  General  Sheridan. 

About  30  per  cent  of  the  population  of  the 


190        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

county  was  negro.  Of  the  white  population  over 
90  per  cent  was  of  pure  Anglo-Saxon  blood. 
There  was  a  small  German  element  composed  of 
moral  and  industrious  citizens.  The  majority  of 
our  people  were  landowners  and  farmers,  the  rural 
life  being  one  of  great  independence  and  refine- 
ment. There  were  a  number  of  fine  old  estates 
and  many  of  the  landowners  lived  in  baronial 
style,  in  homes  of  comfort  and  hospitality. 

There  were  few  rural  communities  in  Vir- 
ginia where  the  people  were  so  free  from  debt  and 
social  unrest  as  in  our  county,  and  few  where  the 
rights  of  the  slave  were  so  respected  and  cared  for. 
Slavery  was  considered  a  responsibility,  not  a 
privilege.  The  negro  was  happy  and  contented. 
He  loved  his  master. 

Up  to  the  close  of  1862  these  conditions  had  not 
been  seriously  disturbed.  The  armies  that  had 
passed  through  and  encamped  in  the  county  had 
burned  a  great  deal  of  fencing  and  had  destroyed 
some  of  the  growing  crops,  so  that  within  a  radius 
of  two  miles  of  the  village  there  were  few  fields 
left  enclosed  and  the  land  was  open  to  general 
use.  As  much  of  the  live  stock, — such  as  horses 
and  cattle, — had  been  taken  for  the  use  of  both 
armies,  only  such  animals  as  cows,  hogs,  poultry, 
and  a  few  old  and  broken-down  horses  were  left 
for  the  use  of  our  citizens.  But  this  stock  was 
sufficient  for  all  necessary  wants,  and  the  ques- 


PALL  AND  WINTER  OF  1862      191 

tion  of  food  supplies  had  not  been  raised.  Many 
of  the  people  living  in  the  village  began  to  keep 
cows,  hogs,  and  poultry  and  to  cultivate  the 
garden  and  the  orchard.  In  this  way  home  sup- 
plies were  not  reduced  to  any  great  extent.  This 
was  a  fortunate  circumstance,  as  during  the  last 
two  years  of  the  war  our  village  population  would 
have  suffered  for  the  actual  necessities  of  life,  had 
not  the  garden,  the  orchard,  and  the  poultry  yard 
supplied  the  food  necessary  to  sustain  life. 

Breadstuffs,  groceries,  and  clothing  became 
luxuries,  for  the  wheat  and  corn  were  either  re- 
moved or  destroyed  by  the  Federal  troops, 
groceries  could  seldom  be  had  and  clothes  were 
made  of  material  for  the  greater  part  spun,  woven, 
and  dyed,  by  our  women. 

After  the  latter  part  of  August,  1862,  our 
county  was  held  within  the  Confederate  lines,  and, 
with  the  exception  of  a  few  raiding  parties,  we 
had  no  Federal  troops  until  the  early  spring  of 
1863.  During  the  fall  and  winter  months  our 
people  were  able  to  follow  their  usual  avocations. 
The  farmers  cultivated  and  gathered  their  crops 
by  the  labor  of  old  men,  negroes,  and  boys.  The 
home  life  was  made  sad  or  joyful  as  the  effects  of 
war  were  experienced  in  the  results  of  battle. 
With  all  the  active  male  population  in  the  army, 
the  losses  by  sickness  and  death  in  battle  were  felt 
by  almost  every  family;  and  those  soldiers  that 


192        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

had  so  far  escaped  the  casualties  of  war  were  at 
the  front,  and  each  mail  might  bring  tidings  of 
sorrow  to  some  heart.  Our  boys  were  seldom  able 
to  come  home  on  furlough  unless  encamped  near 
us;  but  the  wounded  and  convalescent  sick  came 
home  for  rest  and  recovery,  so  that  our  village 
still  remained  a  rendezvous  for  a  number  of  dis- 
abled soldiers. 

The  social  life  was  in  this  way  kept  in  a  state 
of  excitement  that  removed  all  monotony  and 
gloom  and  gave  a  live  interest  to  daily  occurrences. 
All  was  not  sorrow  and  depression  of  spirit,  for 
the  hearts  of  young  and  old  were  fired  with 
patriotism  and  hope  of  success  for  the  Southern 
cause.  The  withdrawal  of  the  Federal  army,  the 
acts  of  heroism  and  the  fame  of  Lee,  Jackson  and 
other  generals  inspired  a  hope  of  final  victory,  and 
the  belief  that  the  war  would  end  in  the  indepen- 
dence of  our  nation.  Up  to  the  spring  of  1863 
the  progress  of  the  war  had  been  favorable  to  the 
South,  hence  the  winter  of  1862  was  a  period  of 
happy  expectation.  Looking  forward  to  better 
things,  we  regarded  the  events  of  the  past  as  small 
sacrifices  that  a  people  should  make  for  liberty 
and  independence.  Those  who  had  been  bereaved 
by  the  death  of  their  loved  ones  or  who  suffered 
losses  of  property  were  reconciled  to  the  decree  of 
fate  because  hope  seemed  to  smile  on  the  Southern 
arms. 


FALL  AND  WINTER  OF  1862      193 

During  the  fall  of  1862  the  President  of  the 
Confederate  States  called  upon  the  people  of  the 
South  to  observe  a  day  of  Thanksgiving  and 
Prayer  for  the  success  of  the  Southern  arms.  The 
people  were  requested  to  meet  in  places  of  public 
worship  and  offer  prayers  to  Almight)'  God  in 
thanks  for  His  mercy  and  love. 

In  our  village  our  citizens  of  all  religious  de- 
nominations assembled  in  one  of  the  two  churches 
left  for  worship.  The  congregation  was  made  up 
almost  entirely  of  old  men,  women,  girls,  and 
boys,  there  being  not  a  man  there  that  was  able 
to  bear  arms.  A  few  old  servants  occupied  seats 
in  the  gallery.  Of  those  present  some  were  in 
deep  mourning  for  loved  ones  who  had  died  in 
service;  some  were  sorrowing  for  their  friends  and 
relatives  in  hospitals  and  camps;  indeed,  there 
was  not  a  soul  that  was  not  touched  in  some  way 
by  the  hand  of  war.  The  minister  was  an  old 
man  whose  sons  were  in  the  army,  whose  hair  was 
frosted  by  the  cares  of  time,  whose  shoulders  were 
bent  under  the  weight  of  years,  and  whose  heart 
had  been  touched  by  the  sorrows  of  life.  His 
spirit  was  the  spirit  of  the  times.  After  the  con- 
gregation had  sung  the  old  hymn,  "How  firm  a 
foundation,  etc.,"  he  poured  out  a  fervent  prayer, 
and  then  took  as  his  text  the  following  verse: 

"And  let  it  be,  when  thou  hearest  the  sound  of  a 
going  in  the  top  of  the  mulberry  trees  that  then  thou 


194        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

shall  bestir  thyself,  for  then  shall  the  Lord  go  out 
before  thee  to  smite  the  host  of  the  Philistines." — 
II  Samuel,  5 — 24. 

With  a  clear,  sweet,  and  earnest  voice  he  told 
the  congregation  the  history  of  the  Jong  war  be- 
tween the  house  of  Saul  and  the  house  of  David, 
of  the  triumph  of  David  over  Saul,  of  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  throne  of  David  over  Israel  and 
over  Judah  and  finally  how  David  had  delivered 
Israel  from  the  hands  of  the  Philistines  and  out 
of  the  hands  of  all  their  enemies.  He  drew  a 
comparison  between  the  struggles  of  David,  and 
his  efforts  to  establish  a  kingdom  of  righteousness 
for  the  people  of  Israel  and  those  of  the  people  of 
the  South  in  their  struggles  for  political  inde- 
pendence. 

He  tried  to  explain  the  nature  of  the  contest 
the  Southern  people  were  making,  the  hardships 
and  sacrifices  they  had  to  endure,  the  signs  of  the 
times,  in  the  going  of  the  leaves  in  the  top  of 
the  mulberry  trees,  and  the  necessity  for  united 
and  persistent  effort  upon  the  part  of  every 
man,  woman,  and  child  in  the  great  struggle 
for  liberty  in  which  the  Southland  was  engaged. 
After  referring  in  the  most  touching  and  pathetic 
way  to  the  sorrows  that  many  in  the  congregation 
were  now  bearing  for  the  loss  of  loved  ones  who 
had  fallen  in  battle,  to  the  uncertainties  that  then 
surrounded  those  now  active  in  service,  to  the  need 


FALL  AND  WINTER  OF  1862      195 

of  courage  and  faith  to  bear  all  things,  he  raised 
his  voice,  with  a  spirit  of  reverence  and  fire,  and 
cried  out,  "Bestir  thyself,  for  then  shall  the  Lord 
go  out  before  thee  to  smite  the  host  of  the 
enemy." 

This  sermon  stirred  the  most  profound  emotion 
of  the  congregation,  and  filled  each  member  with 
silent  courage  and  with  an  abiding  hope  that  the 
Lord  was  with  them.  There  was  scarcely  a  dry 
eye  in  the  church.  All  took  to  heart  the  spirit  of 
truth,  the  admonition  of  zeal  that  the  preacher 
had  inspired. 

After  the  lapse  of  many  years  I  am  only  able 
to  repeat  the  words  and  thoughts  of  the  good  old 
preacher,  long  since  gone  to  his  reward,  in  this 
brief  and  imperfect  wa3^.  The  language  has  been 
lost  but  the  impression  left  on  my  boyish  mind 
was  too  deep  to  be  forgotten.  It  has  lingered  all 
these  years  in  memory's  hidden  shelves  because  it 
was  treasured  in  the  heart  and  mind,  like  the 
prayers  taught  by  our  mothers  in  the  very  earliest 
days  of  childhood  that  are  never  forgotten,  like 
the  nursery  rhymes  and  little  poems  and  nurses' 
tales  that  live  forever  in  sweetest  recollection. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

WINTER    PLEASURES    AND    DANGERS 

During  the  fall  and  winter  of  1862  our  com- 
munity was  kept  in  more  or  less  commotion  by 
visits  from  the  soldiers  of  both  armies.  While 
the  Confederate  army  was  in  winter  camp  there 
were  frequent  opportunities  for  the  boys  in  gray 
to  visit  their  homes  on  furlough.  This  was  espe- 
cialty  the  case  after  the  great  defeat  of  Burnside 
at  PYedericksburg  on  December  11th  and  12th. 

In  November,  after  Stonewall  Jackson  left  the 
Valley,  the  Federal  troops  took  possession  of  Win- 
chester and  that  town  became  the  outpost  of  the 
Federal  army.  Frequent  raids  by  the  cavalry 
were  made  from  Winchester  into  the  surrounding 
country  and  our  village  was  frequently  threatened 
by  these  raiding  parties,  so  we  were  kept  on  the 
lookout,  as  no  one  could  tell  when  a  visit  would 
be  made.  We  then  occupied  neutral  ground  be- 
tween the  armies, — ground  that  was  open  to  the 
pleasure  of  either.  The  boys  in  gray,  whose 
home  was  our  village,  had  to  conceal  their  visits 
at  night;  during  the  day,  however,  they  could 
easily  make  their  escape,  for  warning  of  the 
enemy's  approach  could  be  easily  given  in  ample 

196 


PLEASURES  AND  DANGERS       197 

time  for  them  to  escape.  The  danger  these  boys 
assumed  may  be  illustrated  by  the  following  in- 
cident : 

One  of  our  boys,  whose  home  was  on  the  main 
road  of  travel  between  our  place  and  Winchester, 
visited  his  home  and  spent  several  nights  with  his 
family.  Early  one  morning  a  man  dressed  in 
Confederate  uniform  rode  up  to  the  house  and 
rushed  in  before  his  presence  was  known.  With- 
out ceremony  he  entered  a  room  where  the 
boy  in  gray  was  seated  talking  to  his  mother. 
As  he  entered  the  room  the  young  Confederate 
took  him  for  one  of  his  companions  and  rose 
from  his  seat  to  offer  him  a  welcome.  The 
Federal  soldier,  seeing  the  boy,  drew  his  pistol  and 
demanded  surrender.  The  boy  in  gray  sprang  on 
him  so  suddenly  that  he  seized  the  pistol  before  it 
could  be  fired,  then  he  grappled  with  the  Federal 
soldier.  In  the  tussle  that  ensued  the  Confederate 
threw  the  Federal  and  had  him  fixed  on  the  floor, 
while  the  mother,  who  was  in  the  room  and  an 
eyewitness  to  the  struggle,  cried  out  to  her  boy, 
"Give  it  to  him,  son;  give  it  to  him."  But  while 
the  fight  was  still  going  on  a  great  commotion  was 
heard  in  the  yard  and  the  mother,  going  to  the 
window  to  see  what  the  noise  meant,  found  that 
the  yard  was  full  of  Federal  cavalrymen,  who 
were  dismounting  to  enter  the  house. 

Turning  to  her  son,  she  told  him  to  surrender, 


198        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

as  there  was  no  chance  for  him  to  escape.  Up  to 
this  time  he  had  had  the  advantage,  and  but  for 
outside  aid,  would  have  captured  his  aggressor. 

Realizing  the  situation,  he  released  his  hold  and 
allowed  the  man  to  rise.  Though  still  holding 
the  pistol  he  told  the  man  that  he  would  sur- 
render, and  he  was  soon  hurried  off  to  prison. 

The  Federal  soldier, — who  wore  over  his  blue 
uniform  a  Confederate  gray  overcoat  that  dis- 
guised him  completely,  was  what  was  then  known 
as  a  "Jessie  Scout."  He  had  ridden  in  advance 
of  the  raiding  party,  partly  disguised  as  a  spy, 
and  had  picked  up  a  tartar  who  would  have  given 
him  serious  trouble  had  not  his  comrades  come  to 
his  rescue. 

This  occurrence  was  not  unusual,  for  our  boys  in 
gray,  when  visiting  the  homes  of  their  friends  in 
the  Federal  lines  or  in  neutral  territory,  assumed 
the  risks  of  war  and  often  made  trouble  for  their 
families,  whose  homes  were  frequently  searched 
and  not  infrequently  plundered  by  men  who 
claimed  to  be  looking  for  rebel  soldiers,  but  who 
were  really  in  search  of  valuable  property. 

On  one  occasion  just  after  daybreak  and  before 
any  member  of  my  family,  except  my  father,  was 
out  of  bed  a  raiding  party  of  Federal  cavalry 
rushed  up  to  my  home  and  entered  the  house, 
demanding  to  know  whether  any  rebel  soldiers 
were  sleeping  in  the  house.     My  father  answered 


PLEASURES  AND  DANGERS       199 

in  the  negative;  but  they  claimed  the  right  to 
search  the  house  from  cellar  to  garret. 

Going  through  every  bedroom,  closet  and 
hiding-place,  and  finding  no  evidence  of  rebel 
soldiers  in  the  house,  they  mounted  their  horses 
and  rode  away.  In  one  respect  they  were  decent : 
they  took  none  of  our  property.  This  is  more 
than  can  be  said  of  those  who  came  later  in  the 
war,  for  our  people  were  often  robbed  by  wander- 
ing squads  of  cavalry,  in  search  of  plunder  rather 
than  of  rebels,  who  did  not  hesitate  to  take  any- 
thing they  could  carry  away, — especially  silver 
and  articles  of  food  and  clothing  that  had  any 
value  to  them.     I  will  give  an  illustration. 

One  early  morning  in  the  fall  of  1864  two 
Federal  cavalrymen  rode  up  to  the  side-yard  fence 
that  enclosed  my  home  and  asked  the  servant  to 
call  my  father  as  they  wished  to  see  him.  The 
servant  came  into  the  dining-room,  where  the 
family  was  eating  breakfast,  and  told  my  father 
he  was  wanted  at  the  fence  by  two  soldiers.  As 
the  air  was  chilly  my  father  threw  over  his 
shoulders  a  handsome  black  cloth  overcoat  that 
had  seen  but  little  service.  The  coat  had  a  pe- 
culiar value  as  it  belonged  to  a  young  relative 
who  had  been  killed  in  battle,  and  after  his  death 
his  mother  had  presented  it  to  my  father,  who  had 
not  worn  it  a  half-dozen  times. 

I  followed  my  father  out  to  the  fence,  where 


200        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

the  men  were  seated  on  their  horses.  They  asked 
a  few  questions,  then  rode  away,  and  we  thought 
nothing  more  of  the  incident.  However,  after 
dark  the  same  day  two  cavalrymen  rode  up  to  the 
same  place  and  called  to  one  of  the  servants  in 
the  yard  to  tell  my  father  to  come  out  to  see 
them.  As  it  was  dark,  we  could  not  tell  whether 
they  were  the  same  men  we  had  seen  at  the  same 
place  in  the  morning.  Boylike,  I  went  with  my 
father.  When  we  reached  the  fence  the  spokes- 
man remarked  that  two  of  their  men  had  reported 
to  General  Torbert, — then  commanding  the  raid- 
ing party — ,that  they  had  seen  a  citizen  wearing 
that  morning  a  handsome  overcoat,  like  those  worn 
by  Federal  officers,  and  that  they  had  been  or- 
dered to  bring  the  overcoat  to  his  tent,  the  man 
with  the  overcoat,  if  necessary. 

My  father  protested  that  the  coat  he  had  worn 
that  morning  was  his  own,  that  it  was  a  citizen's 
overcoat  and  bore  no  resemblance  to  a  uniform. 
The  man  insisted  that  his  orders  were  explicit, 
that  he  wanted  to  see  the  coat  to  be  satisfied  as  to 
its  character,  whereupon  my  father  told  me  to  go 
to  the  house  and  bring  out  the  coat.  This  I  did. 
The  man  on  horseback  examined  it  carefully,  felt 
the  silk  collar  and  cloth  buttons,  the  silk  lining 
and  general  make-up  of  the  garment.  He  then 
coolly  remarked : 

"Yes,  this  seems  to  be  a  citizen's  overcoat,  but 


PLEASURES  AND  DANGERS      201 

I  have  positive  orders  from  General  Torbert  that 
I  must  bring  the  coat  to  his  camp."  He  also  had 
the  courtesy  (?)  to  add:  "General  Torbert  in- 
structed me  to  bring  the  owner  of  the  coat  with 
me,  if  he  did  not  consent  to  give  me  the  coat.  I 
am  satisfied  that  it  will  be  returned  to  the  owner 
as  soon  as  it  has  been  examined  and  found  to  be 
the  coat  of  a  citizen." 

While  the  discussion  was  going  on  the  cavalry- 
men held  fast  to  the  coat.  It  was  quite  dark, 
General  Torbert's  camp  was  over  a  mile  from  my 
home,  and  the  only  route  to  it  was  through  dense 
woods.  My  father  knew  well  that  if  he  under- 
took the  trip  on  foot  he  would  never  reach  the 
General's  camp,  that  these  men  would  gallop  away 
from  him  or  murder  him  on  the  way.  He  saw 
they  were  thieves,  if  not  desperadoes,  and  that  the 
only  thing  he  could  do  was  to  submit  to  the  hold- 
up. After  protesting  against  the  brutality  of  the 
demand,  he  said:  "Take  the  coat,  it  is  my 
property,  I  never  expect  to  see  it  again."  The 
villain,  again  apologizing  for  the  injustice  of 
General  Torbert's  order,  put  spurs  to  his  horse 
and  rode  away.  The  men  had  simply  lied  about 
General  Torbert,  had  maligned  his  character,  and 
had  disgraced  the  uniform  they  wore.  They  had 
robbed  a  citizen  of  his  personal  property  when  he 
had  no  more  ability  to  protect  himself  than  a  man 
who  is  held  up  by  a  set  of  bandits.     I  felt  most 


202        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

keenly  for  my  father,  for  he  experienced  the 
humiliation  and  indignation  that  every  brave 
spirit  feels  when  personal  rights  are  assailed  by 
brute  force  and  when  resistance  is  impossible  by 
reason  of  the  situation.     So  I  said  to  him : 

"Father,  don't  worry  over  this  theft.  These 
men  are  not  soldiers  but  thieves  who  follow  the 
army  in  uniform  to  rob  and  pillage  our  people. 
When  I  get  old  enough  to  enter  the  army  I  will 
have  revenge  for  this  insult." 

The  war  was  over  before  I  was  able  to  express 
in  act  the  indignation  I  felt  in  heart.  The  loss 
of  the  overcoat  was  of  minor  importance, — in- 
significant in  comparison  with  other  losses  we  had 
sustained, — but  it  wounded  our  deeper  feelings, 
gave  us  a  consciousness  of  crushed  spirit,  the  sense 
of  helplessness,  of  mortification  because  of  the 
indignity  to  which  we  had  been  subjected. 

I  want  to  say  in  this  connection  as  a  matter  of 
justice,  that  such  experiences  as  I  have  here  re- 
lated, while  common,  were  not  universal,  and  are, 
after  all,  almost  inseparable  from  the  nature 
and  consequences  of  civil  war.  Armies  are  made 
up  of  units,  and  these  units  represent  the  type  and 
character  of  the  men  who  make  up  the  whole. 
During  the  first  two  years  of  the  war  between  the 
States  the  Federal  army  was  composed  of  volun- 
teers who  represented  the  best  type  of  citizen  of 
the  North  and  West.     The  officers  who  were  in 


PLEASURES  AND  DANGERS       203 

command  were  in  the  majority  of  cases  gentlemen 
of  good  standing  at  home,  as  well  as  of  good 
breeding.  They  may  not  have  been  the  best 
soldiers,  because  they  had  not  been  tried  and 
hardened  by  active  service,  but  they  were  loyal 
and  true  men,  who  were  trying  to  conduct  the  war 
on  a  high  ethical  basis. 

The  men  who  entered  the  Federal  Army  during 
the  last  three  years  of  the  war  were  of  an  entirely 
different  type,  being  the  riffraff  of  the  North, 
foreigners,  bounty  jumpers,  hirelings,  substitutes, 
and  negroes,  while  the  majority  of  officers  who^ 
commanded  them  had  come  up  from  the  ranks. 
Their  views  of  warfare  had  changed  with  the 
policy  of  the  Government;  for  when  it  was  found 
that  the  South  could  not  be  coerced  by  the  force 
and  gallantry  of  arms, — that  sterner  weapons  were 
required  than  muskets  and  cannon, — the  contest 
narrowed  to  the  basis  of  endurance. 

It  was  recognized  at  Washington  that  the  only 
policy  that  could  win  the  war  was  to  starve  and 
destroy  the  Confederate  forces, — a  policy  not  con- 
fined to  the  men  in  actual  arms,  but  used  against 
old  men,  women,  and  children  in  their  homes, 
against  life  and  property,  if  necessary  to  the  sub- 
jugation of  a  high-spirited  people. 

The  War  between  the  States  kindled  bitter  ani- 
mosities, yet  all  through  that  contest  of  passion 
and  blood  innumerable  instances  occurred  where 


204        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

the  warmest  friendships  were  made  between  friend 
and  foe,  where  acts  of  kindness  were  done,  where 
generous  hearts  were  ready  to  help  and  to  heal  the 
wounds  and  sorrows  of  individuals  and  families. 
Our  people  have  never  forgotten  the  kindness  that 
some  of  the  Federal  officers  and  men  rendered 
them  when  they  held  at  bay  some  of  the  thieves 
and  cutthroats  in  the  Federal  army.  The  gen- 
erosity and  consideration  of  an  enemy  can  often 
heal  the  wounds  of  his  adversary, — can,  as  it  were, 
pour  water  on  coals-of-fire  and  drown  the  flames 
of  passion.  This  was  often  the  case  during  the 
first  two  years  of  the  war. 

It  was  only  as  the  war  progressed,  and  as  the 
policy  of  the  Federal  Government  became  cruel 
and  barbarous  towards  the  noncombatants  of  the 
South  that  the  violent  hatred  of  the  Southern 
people  was  kindled.  This  hatred  was  not  toward 
individuals  but  was  directed  at  the  political 
leaders  and  officers  that  were  responsible  for  the 
wanton  destruction  of  private  property  and  the 
unnecessary  punishment  of  old  men,  women  and 
children  of  the  South  who  were  within  the  Federal 
lines.  Our  people  respected  such  soldiers  as 
McClellan,  Meade,  Grant,  Thomas,  McDowell, 
Hancock,  and  a  number  of  others  of  that  type; 
but  they  repudiated  and  denounced  the  cast  of 
Sherman,  Sheridan,  Pope,  Hunter,  Butler,  and  a 
number  of  lesser  lights, — men  that  carried  fire  and 


PLEASURES  AND  DANGERS      205 

sword  in  both  hands  and  instructed  the  men  under 
them  to  steal,  destroy,  and  carry  away  the  property 
of  innocent  citizens.  The  barbarity  of  these  men 
is  a  lasting  stain  upon  a  Government  that  con- 
trolled the  policies  of  the  nation  at  that  time.  If 
such  a  policy  were  justifiable  then  let  us  bow  in 
shame  to  the  authority  of  a  civilization  supposed 
to  be  founded  on  principles  of  justice  and 
humanity. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

BOYISH    SPORTS.       VISIT    TO    RICHMOND 

About  the  1st  of  October  our  people  were  relieved 
of  the  high  tension  that  the  spring  and  summer 
months  had  brought  because  of  the  presence  in  our 
neighborhood  of  the  two  armies.  Months  had 
passed  since  the  boys  and  girls  had  enjoyed  the 
privileges  of  school.  We  were  growing  up  under 
an  exciting  life  that  was  educational  in  only  one 
way:  it  gave  instruction  in  observations  and  ex- 
periences that  in  a  measure  strengthened  char- 
acter. It  failed,  however,  to  train  the  mind  in 
that  information  that  must  come  from  books  and 
from  the  spirit  and  instruction  of  the  teacher. 

After  a  long  rest  from  school  about  the  middle 
of  September,  1862,  a  small  private  school  was 
opened  by  a  middle-aged  gentleman  who  had  been 
raised  and  educated  in  our  county  but  who  for 
some  years  had  practiced  law  in  a  Western  State. 
He  was  not  a  trained  teacher,  but  he  was  a  man 
of  good  sense,  education,  and  character  and,  above 
all,  a  man  of  good  heart.  He  had  returned  to 
Virginia  to  enter  the  Confederate  army,  but  as  the 

summer  campaign  had  almost  closed  he  decided  to 

206 


VISIT  TO  RICHMOND  207 

spend  the  winter  months  in  teaching  school  rather 
than  in  the  idleness  of  camp  life.  A  small  build- 
ing was  found  for  the  school. 

It  was  divided  by  a  partition,  the  boys  occupy- 
ing one  room,  and  the  girls  the  other.  The  class 
was  a  small  one,  in  which  there  were  more  girls 
than  boys.  In  this  school  I  took  up  the  routine 
work  of  book  study,  but  I  cannot  say  that  my 
work  was  highly  profitable.  There  were  constant 
interruptions,  and  for  days  the  school  had  to  be 
closed  on  account  of  the  excitement  and  disturb- 
ances of  war,  when  rumors  of  raids  and  actual 
raiding  parties  made  it  necessary  for  our  teacher 
to  dismiss  the  class  and  allow  us  to  go  home. 

Upon  one  occasion  while  we  were  at  our  desks  a 
body  of  Federal  cavalry  came  into  the  village 
before  we  were  aware  of  its  presence.  Several 
cavalrymen,  with  drawn  pistols,  rode  up  to  the 
door,  called  the  teacher  out,  and  so  alarmed 
the  children  that  a  general  stampede  followed. 
There  was  not  a  resumption  of  school  work  for 
several  days.  Early  in  the  spring  the  Federal 
cavalry  came  to  our  village  and  encamped  there. 
A  few  weeks  later  our  school  broke  up,  our  teacher 
joined  the  army,  and  four  of  our  oldest  boys,  then 
about  17  years  of  age,  left  home  for  military 
service.  A  few  weeks  later  two  of  these  boys 
were  wounded  in  battle  and  a  third  was  a  prisoner 
at  Point  Lookout,  Maryland.     During  the  few 


208        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

months  we  were  at  this  school  many  interesting 
incidents  came  into  my  life. 

My  home  was  enlivened  by  numerous  visitors 
who  came  and  went  from  day  to  day.  I  found 
much  pleasure  in  this  company,  as  also  in  the 
winter  sports  of  boyhood.  In  the  fall  I  gathered 
walnuts  and  chestnuts,  hunted  birds  and  rabbits 
and  spent  most  of  the  day  in  outdoor  exercise  with 
Uncle  Lewis  and  other  servants  on  the  farm.  We 
gathered  and  stored  what  had  been  left,  cut  and 
hauled  wood  and  provided  for  the  comforts  of  the 
winter.  When  the  snow  came  I  enjoyed  the  coast- 
ing on  the  hillside  and  with  ice  we  boys  had 
plenty  of  skating  on  the  ponds  and  rivers. 

I  had  found  in  one  of  the  old  camps  several  old 
muskets  and  had  picked  up  many  cartridges.  I 
would  load  these  old  muskets  and  practice  target 
shooting  by  the  hour,  thinking  I  would  some  day 
have  to  practice  shooting  at  the  enemy,  if  the  war 
continued  a  few  years  longer.  I  had  in  some  way 
secured  a  small  toy  brass  cannon  that  would  fire 
a  Minie  bullet  with  as  much  force  as  a  musket.  I 
mounted  it  on  wheels,  and  I  would  take  a  position 
in  front  of  a  hill  and  fire  away  at  an  imaginary 
enemy  until  I  had  demolished  a  target  placed  in 
front  of  a  tree  several  hundred  feet  distant.  In 
this  boyhood  sport  I  was  often  joined  by  some 
three  or  four  of  my  companions  of  about  my  age. 
We    all    owned    several   old   horses   and   would 


VISIT  TO  RICHMOND  209 

mount  these  old  animals  and  play  cavalrymen, 
taking  rides  into  the  woods  and  fields,  charging, 
jumping,  and  running  as  best  we  could  on  our 
old  mounts.  These  were  happy  days  for  us,  and 
we  did  not  realize  the  fate  that  might  overtake 
us  as  the  war  progressed. 

One  of  my  comrades,  a  lad  16  years  of  age, — 
two  years  my  senior, — and  I  were  discussing  one 
day  what  we  purposed  to  do  when  we  entered  the 
army  and  in  what  branch  of  the  service  we  would 
enlist.  He  was  a  good  rider  and  his  father  owned 
a  good  horse;  so  he  said  he  would  join  the  cavalry. 
One  year  later  he  enlisted  in  a  company  in  the 
Laurel  Brigade,  and  in  his  very  first  engagement 
was  killed  in  the  front  rank  of  his  regiment 
during  a  charge.  But  for  the  difference  in  our 
ages  I  probably  would  have  been  enlisted  in  the 
same  service  with  him. 

These  pastimes  of  a  boy  living  between  the 
lines,  growing  up  under  the  excitement  and  pas- 
sion of  civil  war  were  the  preparatory  school  in 
which  we  were  being  trained  for  future  military 
service.  The  rough  experiences,  the  daily  duties, 
the  excitement,  and  the  perils  with  which  we 
were  surrounded  were  so  lightly  considered  that 
we  treated  them  as  matters  of  course, — as  pleas- 
ant incidents,  as  the  roughing  of  an  outing,  in 
which  we  were  seeking  adventure  and  danger  of 
sport. 


210        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

The  fall  and  winter  had  nearly  passed  by  when 
an  event  took  place  in  my  life  that  offered  me 
much  pleasure  and  useful  experience.  My  father 
had  important  business  with  the  Confederate 
Government  which  called  him  to  Richmond,  then 
the  capital  of  the  South,  and  the  great  center  of 
military  operations.  Richmond  had  been  se- 
curely held  by  the  Confederate  troops,  but  was 
still  the  objective  point  of  attack.  It  was  held 
by  the  Federal  authorities  that  the  backbone  of 
the  Confederacy  could  best  be  broken  by  the  cap- 
ture of  its  capital.  It  was  a  difficult  place  to  de- 
fend, as  it  was  open  to  attack  by  land  and  water, 
and  required  large  forces  to  protect  it.  It  had 
little  strategic  value  except  for  its  railroad  com- 
munications and  a  few  old  armories  and  flour 
mills.  Its  resident  population  was  not  over  30,- 
000  persons.  It  was  simply  the  capital  of  Vir- 
ginia and  of  the  Confederate  States,  and  from  this 
point  of  view  it  had  only  a  sentimental  value, — 
or  perhaps  was  a  moral  force. 

When  my  father  proposed  to  take  me  to  Rich- 
mond a  great  pleasure  opened  up  before  my 
vision;  for  I  had  lived  all  my  life  in  a  small  vil- 
lage and  had  never  seen  a  city  larger  than  Win- 
chester, which  had  only  some  3,000  population. 

We  left  home  on  the  early  morning  of  March 
17,  1863,  in  a  two-horse  spring  wagon,  with 
canvas  on  top  and  sides.     My  companions  were 


VISIT  TO  RICHMOND  211 

my  father,  a  young  lieutenant  in  the  Confederate 
army, — who  had  been  home  on  furlough, — and 
Uncle  Lewis,  our  driver. 

The  day  was  cold,  and  a  light  rain  with  sleet 
made  the  temperature  most  uncomfortable,  while 
the  road  was  muddy  and  in  the  worst  possible  con- 
dition for  travel.  We  were  from  early  morn- 
ing until  dark  going  a  distance  of  twenty-five 
miles.  When  night  overtook  us  we  stopped  at 
the  house  of  an  old  gentleman  whom  my  father 
knew,  and  who  lived  on  the  road  between  Sperry- 
ville  and  Culpeper  Court  House.  After  a  hearty 
supper  I  was  glad  to  go  to  bed  and  was  soon  sound 
asleep.  Before  daybreak  we  were  up  and  ready 
to  resume  our  journey.  We  reached  Culpeper 
Court  House  about  8  o'clock  in  the  morning,  in 
time  to  find  accommodations  for  Uncle  Lewis  and 
the  team  while  we  were  in  Richmond,  and  to  take 
the  railroad  train  that  was  to  carry  us  to  the  Con- 
federate capital. 

Culpeper  Court  House  was  at  that  time  the 
center  of  military  operations,  and  large  bodies 
of  troops  were  encamped  in  and  around  the  place. 
It  was  all  bustle  and  confusion.  The  Confed- 
erate army  was  posted  along  the  right  bank  of 
the  Rappahannock  River,  extending  from  the 
mountain  to  Fredericksburg,  and  waiting  for  the 
advance  of  the  Federal  army  commanded  by  Gen- 
eral Joe  Hooker,  better  known  then  as  "  Fighting 


212        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

Joe  Hooker."  McClellan  had  been  removed  to 
make  place  for  Burnside,  and  now  Burnside  had 
been  removed  to  make  place  for  Hooker.  The 
new  commander  was  expected  to  do  great  things. 
He  had  not  yet  tested  the  strength  of  Lee's  sword. 

The  train  on  which  we  had  taken  passage  was 
made  up  of  passenger  coaches  and  freight  cars.  It 
was  crowded  with  soldiers  and  army  attaches  and 
weighted  down  with  freight.  The  locomotive 
was  scarcely  equal  to  the  work  imposed  on  it  and 
we  could  not  make  over  8  or  10  miles  an  hour. 
When  we  came  to  the  Rapidan  River  we  found  it 
so  high  from  recent  rains  that  it  was  not  deemed 
safe  for  the  locomotive  to  cross  the  bridge. 
Therefore  we  had  to  cross  on  foot  and  wait  on 
the  bank  for  a  train  from  Orange  Court  House 
to  take  us  on  our  journey. 

It  was  long  after  dark  when  we  reached  the 
depot  in  Richmond.  We  took  a  bus  and  were 
carried  to  the  Exchange  and  Ballard  House,  then 
the  leading  hotel  in  Richmond  and  the  headquar- 
ters of  Confederate  officers  and  public  officials  on 
duty  in  the  capital. 

The  next  morning  while  taking  breakfast  Gen- 
eral This  and  Colonel  That,  conspicuous  in  uni- 
form, were  seated  at  the  different  tables,  while 
Senators,  Congressmen,  and  other  important  per- 
sonages were  at  breakfast  or  in  the  lobby.  All 
this  gave  a  very  distinguished  air  to  the  company, 


VISIT  TO  RICHMOND  213 

and  being  all  so  new  to  me  it  greatly  excited  my 
curiosity,  and  I  asked  my  father  innumerable  ques- 
tions, many  of  which  he  was  unable  to  answer. 

After  breakfast  I  went  with  my  father  to  the 
Governor's  mansion  and  to  various  public  build- 
ings where  he  had  business  to  attend  to.  Some 
of  these  buildings  were  on  the  capitol  grounds 
and  while  my  father  was  attending  to  his  work  I 
strolled  around  and  saw  the  Confederate  Senate 
and  Congress  in  session,  and  took  in  the  general 
situation  from  a  boy's  point  of  view.  When 
standing  on  the  portico  in  front  of  the  capitol 
I  saw  several  distinguished  looking  citizens  talk- 
ing to  a  young  Confederate  officer.  My  curiosity 
overcame  my  modesty  and  I  joined  the  company 
to  hear  the  general  topics  of  conversation.  I  am 
only  able  to  recall  one  subject.  The  officer  was 
so  young  and  boyish  looking  that  one  of  the 
gentlemen  asked  him  his  age.  He  replied  that 
he  was  19,  a  native  of  a  Southern  State,  and  held 
the  rank  of  colonel  of  a  regiment.  Although 
dressed  in  the  full  uniform  of  a  colonel,  he  looked 
more  like  a  cadet  than  a  man  in  high  authority.  I 
knew  enough  of  history  at  that  time  to  recall  that 
Alexander  the  Great  was  in  full  command  of  the 
Macedonian  army  at  that  early  age,  and  that 
Napoleon  was  already  a  distinguished  officer  when 
in  his  teens.  This  young  Southern  Napoleon  was 
very  modest  and  unassuming.     I  have  often  won- 


214        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

dered  what  fate  he  met  with  as  the  war  pro- 
gressed. 

My  father  was  a  very  busy  man  but  he  showed 
me  as  much  of  Richmond  as  possible.  One  night 
the  young  lieutenant  who  had  accompanied  us 
from  home  took  me  to  the  theater.  It  was  my 
first  sight  of  a  place  of  amusement  of  this  char- 
acter and  I  recall  my  excitement  and  my  interest 
in  the  play.  It  was  a  tragedy  of  some  kind, 
made  up  of  stirring  and  bloody  scenes  that  seemed 
too  real  for  amusement.  It  was  as  much  as  my 
companion  could  do  to  suppress  my  excitement. 
I  vividly  recall  one  Sunday  morning  during  my 
visit  my  father  took  me  to  services  in  the  Epis- 
copal church  that  had  as  its  rector  the  distin- 
guished divine,  Dr.  Minnegerode. 

After  we  were  seated  Mr.  Davis,  President  of 
the  Confederate  States,  walked  down  the  aisle  un- 
attended and  took  a  seat  in  front  of  the  altar.  He 
was  a  regular  attendant  of  St.  Paul's  church,  and 
his  presence  usually  attracted  a  large  congregation. 
The  minister  in  his  prayer  prayed  for  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Confederate  States  and  "all  others 
in  authority."  After  the  close  of  the  service  the 
congregation  stood  while  Mr.  Davis  walked  down 
the  aisle,  then  followed  him  from  the  church. 
This  was  the  only  time  I  ever  saw  Mr.  Davis. 

This  visit  to  Richmond  was  exceedingly  satis- 
factory to  me.     I  had  actually  seen  the  capital  of 


VISIT  TO  RICHMOND  215 

the  Confederacy,  and  had  observed  the  scenes  be- 
hind the  seat  of  war  where  the  affairs  of  the  new 
nation  were  being  directed,  where  all  the  policies 
of  the  Government  were  organized,  and  where  the 
hopes  of  the  Southern  cause  were  centered. 

It  was  evident  from  the  preparations  that  were 
being,  and  had  been,  made  for  the  defense  of  Rich- 
mond that  the  Confederate  authorities  had  no 
intention  of  ever  abandoning  that  city  as  the  capi- 
tal of  the  Government  until  forced  by  the  might 
of  arms  to  do  so.  Richmond  had  become  the  cen- 
ter for  the  manufacture  and  storage  of  military 
supplies;  it  had  large  hospitals  and  prisons,  and 
had  grown  by  the  influx  of  people  who  were  either 
connected  with  the  Government  or  had  been 
driven  from  their  homes  by  the  fortunes  of  war 
and  had  sought  a  refuge  in  this  city.  If  any 
place  were  safe  from  the  invasion  of  the  enemy, 
they  argued,  Richmond  was  that  place.  More- 
over the  activity  and  business  life  of  the  city 
offered  opportunities  for  making  a  living  not 
found  in  other  localities. 

The  cost  of  living  was  high,  but  Confederate 
money  was  plentiful  and  could  be  had  in  large 
sums  in  exchange  for  anything  anyone  had  to 
sell.  One  hundred  or  two  hundred  dollars  a 
week  for  board  did  not  come  high  when  one  dollar 
in  gold  was  worth  from  25  to  50  dollars  in  Con- 
federate  money.     The   lower   the   value   of   the 


216        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

paper  dollar  the  higher  the  value  of  the  com- 
modity it  would  buy,  hence  the  denomination  did 
not  regulate  values;  it  was  only  a  basis  of  ex- 
change. Even  the  soldier  in  the  ranks,  who  re- 
ceived the  low  wage  in  Confederate  currency,  was 
able  to  pay  the  high  prices  through  the  unbounded 
supply  which  came  to  him  in  many  ways.  If  he 
was  lucky  enough  to  make  a  capture  in  battle  or 
to  hold  up  a  prisoner  with  a  few  silver  or  gold 
dollars,  he  reaped  a  fortune  in  Confederate 
money.  In  1863  a  captured  horse  would  bring 
from  $500  to  $5000  in  Confederate  money,  and  a 
pair  of  boots  from  $50  to  $200;  so  the  dollar  grew 
cheaper  and  the  article  it  purchased  dearer. 
These  were  only  relative  conditions  in  the  nature 
of  the  transaction,  provided  the  seller  and  buyer 
could  come  to  a  basis  of  exchange.  The  vital 
significance  of  the  situation  was  what  it  indicated : 
the  rotten  and  worthless  financial  policy  of  the 
Government  and  loss  of  respect  for  civil  authority. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

COMPARATIVE  STUDY  OF  SOME  OF  THE  LEADERS  OF 
THE  '60'S.  THE  CONFEDERATE  POLICY  AND 
THE    FEDERAL. 

I  have  often  wondered  why  the  Confederate 
Government  did  not  abandon  Richmond  early  in 
the  war  and  fall  back  either  to  Lynchburg,  Char- 
lottesville, or  Danville,  where  the  enemy  would 
be  drawn  further  away  from  its  supplies  and  more 
exposed  to  flank  movements.  During  the  Third 
Silesian  War  Frederick  the  Great  abandoned 
Berlin,  his  capital,  and  carried  his  government 
with  him  in  the  field.  He  was  driven  from  pillar 
to  post,  defeated  here  and  there,  yet  he  held  his 
ground  for  over  seven  years  until  he  finally  won 
success  for  his  country. 

No  such  policy  seemed  to  guide  the  Confederate 
authorities.  It  was  simply  "hold  on  to  Richmond 
or  go  down  in  disaster."  To  all  appearances 
Richmond  was  more  important  to  the  Confederacy 
than  the  cause  they  were  fighting  for,  a  policy 
that  has  never  appealed  to  my  judgment. 

General  Lee,  Mr.  Davis,  and  others  in  authority 
no  doubt  knew  best  what  to  do,  but  if  they  were 

familiar  with  the  history  of  Frederick  during  the 

217 


218        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

Silesian  war,  it  is  singular  that  they  did  not  see 
the  wisdom  of  his  policy.  The  Confederate  au- 
thorities were  trying  to  force  a  foreign  recogni- 
tion of  the  Confederate  Government,  first,  by  with- 
holding cotton,  and  second,  by  maintaining  its 
dignity  through  holding  the  Southern  capital. 
If  this  statement  is  true,  then  both  policies  were 
wrong.  War  loses  its  dignity  when  the  enemy 
has  you  by  the  throat  and  is  trying  to  squeeze  the 
life  out  of  you;  when  that  happens  the  time  has 
come  for  daring  and  extreme  measures,  and  the 
only  dignified  thing  to  do  is  to  force  the  enemy 
to  release  his  hold  and  come  back  at  him  in  the 
undignified  way.  Meet  him  on  his  own  ground, 
not  by  parry  and  thrust,  but  by  stabs,  cuts, — any- 
way to  overcome  him. 

The  Southern  people  have  prided  themselves  on 
the  self-sacrificing  efforts  they  made  for  their 
cause.  They  seemed  to  think  it  was  better  to  go 
down  in  defeat  maintaining  high  standards  of 
chivalry,  honor,  and  a  pride  of  noble  defense. 

Did  the  North  take  this  view  of  the  war?  Not 
by  any  means.  It  was  simply  a  matter  of  cold 
business  calculation.  She  spent  her  money,  hired 
foreign  troops,  enlisted  the  negro,  robbed  and  pil- 
laged Southern  homes,  and  by  every  means, — fair 
or  foul, — tried  to  wear  out  and  destroy  her  enemy. 
This  she  finally  did.  That  was  the  Northern  idea 
of  war.     "War  is  hell,"  says  General  Sherman. 


THE  CONFEDERATE  POLICY     219 

In  theory  and  practice  he  was  right.  Why  the 
Southern  leaders  did  not  take  this  view  and  fight 
the  devil  with  his  own  fire  I  fail  to  see.  There 
is  no  humanity  in  being  courteous  to  an  enemy 
that  is  trying  to  take  your  life.  The  human  thing 
to  do  is  to  take  his  life  first  and  the  consequences 
later. 

Richmond  was  held  until  the  last;  and  when 
Richmond  was  abandoned  the  Confederacy  col- 
lapsed.    This  is  about  all  that  can  be  said. 

Thousands  of  lives  and  millions  of  money  were 
sacrificed  in  holding  a  position  that  could  only 
be  defended  by  large  armies.  When  the  Con- 
federate army  was  used  up  by  death  and  starvation 
Richmond  fell  and  the  few  men  left  retreated  into 
the  interior.  Only  a  corporal's  guard  was  left  to 
maintain  the  contest,  and  General  Lee — perhaps 
wisely — made  a  surrender  when  completely  sur- 
rounded by  the  enemy.  The  heart  of  this  noble 
man  and  soldier  was  broken  when  he  gave  up  the 
cause  he  had  for  four  years  led  in  battle  with  a 
success  that  has  astonished  the  student  of  military 
history.  General  Lee  was  a  great  soldier,  per- 
haps among  the  greatest  the  world  has  ever  known, 
and  he  was  as  great  in  soul  and  character  as  he 
was  in  military  genius.  He  lacked  only  one  ele- 
ment of  strength;  he  was  not  a  great  politician 
and  administrator  of  civil  affairs.  He  deferred  to 
the  civil  authorities  and  took  little  or  no  part  in 


220        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

the  policies  and  conduct  of  the  Government. 
Had  he  been  a  dictator,  a  man  of  the  type  of 
Napoleon,  of  Cromwell,  or  of  Frederick  the  Great, 
in  all  probability  the  fate  of  the  Confederacy 
would  have  been  different. 

The  President  and  his  whole  cabinet  would  have 
been  overruled,  and  a  strong  military  power  would 
have  directed  the  policy  of  the  Government. 
Had  the  civil  Government  been  conducted  as  the 
armies  were  handled,  few  mistakes  would  have 
been  made.  Mr.  Davis  assumed  the  role  of 
statesman  and  soldier.  One  or  the  other  he  might 
have  been.  In  both  capacities  he  was  neither 
fitted  by  temperament  nor  hard  common  sense  to 
measure  up  to.  His  zeal,  loyalty,  and  devotion 
to  the  cause  have  never  been  questioned.  No  man 
tried  harder  to  do  his  duty  as  he  saw  it.  No  man 
suffered  more  from  the  consequences  of  the  war. 
His  blunders  were  honestly  made,  but  they  are 
open  to  criticism  and  have  received  all  the  con- 
sideration to  which  they  were  entitled.  It  is  not 
my  purpose  to  open  up  a  discussion  upon  which 
history  has  already  passed  its  verdict. 

Mr.  Davis  was  a  pure  and  upright  man.  He 
was  a  great  patriot,  but  he  was  not  a  leader  for 
such  a  cause  as  the  South  had  espoused.  His 
dignified  bearing,  his  flowery  oratory,  his  chivalric 
nature  invested  him  with  an  importance  that  he 
did  not  possess.     He  had  knowledge,  talents,  and 


THE  CONFEDERATE  POLICY     221 

great  personal  gifts,  but  he  did  not  have  wisdom. 
He  was  preeminently  a  preacher,  not  a  doer  of 
practical  and  sensible  things.  His  executive 
ability  was  not  far  seeing  and  orderly.  His  tal- 
ents were  not  constructive.  His  knowledge  of 
men  was  poor  and  was  narrowed  by  his  prejudices. 
The  difficulties  surrounding  him  were  great,  and 
he  failed  to  grasp  the  details  and  consequences  of 
passing  events.  Charles  Dickens  has  said  that 
Bishop  Laud  was  the  most  learned  man  of  his  day 
in  England — and  the  biggest  fool.  He  had  vast 
knowledge  and  no  common  sense.  David  Gar- 
rick,  in  speaking  of  Oliver  Goldsmith,  remarked 
that  he  wrote  like  an  angel  and  spoke  like 
poor  Poll.  General  Lee,  in  commenting  on  the 
campaign  of  McClellan,  said  that  he  knew  every 
movement  he  would  make  because  he  knew  his 
training.  These  comments  upon  the  character- 
istics of  great  men  go  to  show  that  genius  and 
learning  are  often  narrow  in  their  scope,  and  that 
the  possession  of  great  talents  in  one  line  of  in- 
tellectual effort  does  not  imply  that  the  individual 
is  thereby  qualified  for  a  high  order  of  work  in 
another  direction. 

Mr.  Davis  was  gifted  in  debate  and  in  oratory. 
He  was  a  power  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and 
in  forensic  discussion;  but  as  the  executive  of  a 
great  revolution  he  was  out  of  place  and  he  filled 
the  executive  chair  with  as  much  ability  as  a  bank 


222        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

president  could  lead  an  army.  The  Confederate 
Government  needed  at  its  head  as  president  a 
man  of  great  constructive  ability,  of  initiative,  of 
large  executive  talents,  and  vigorous  common 
sense.  Mr.  Lincoln  possessed  these  gifts  to  a 
much  larger  extent  than  did  Mr.  Davis.  Had 
Mr.  Lincoln  been  at  the  head  of  the  Confederate 
Government,  and  Mr.  Davis  president  of  the 
United  States,  who  doubts  the  success  of  the 
South'? 

As  I  remember  Mr.  Davis, — on  the  only  occa- 
sion that  I  saw  him, — he  was  rather  tall,  slender, 
and  erect  in  stature,  distinguished  and  graceful  in 
carriage,  and  dignified  in  his  bearing  and  general 
make-up.  His  face  was  shaved  and  his  hair, 
somewhat  tinged  with  gray,  was  not  overabun- 
dant. His  nose  was  well  formed,  his  eyes  pierc- 
ing, his  face  thin  and  drawn  with  care  and 
thought.  His  appearance  did  not  indicate  robust 
physical  health  but  rather  a  wiry,  elastic  energy 
that  would  endure  hard  work  and  exacting  duty. 
His  countenance  indicated  refinement,  culture,  and 
a  spirit  of  quiet  force  and  determination.  He 
looked  the  type  of  the  minister,  the  poet,  the 
orator,  or  the  philosopher,  anything  other  than 
the  soldier,  the  great  executive,  the  man  of  detail 
and  fiery  energy. 

In  stature  and  physical  build  he  was  the  op- 
posite of  Lee,  of  Jackson,  and  of  Lincoln.     Lee 


THE  CONFEDERATE  POLICY     223 

was  an  Apollo  in  his  physical  make-up;  Jackson 
was  a  homely,  ungraceful  and  plain  man  in  his 
carriage  but  he  was  endowed  with  an  activity  and 
energy  of  body  and  spirit  that  no  labor  could 
break  down;  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  giant  in  height, 
with  a  frame  as  rugged  as  it  was  homely  and 
striking  in  manner  and  personality.  All  these 
great  men  differed  as  widely  in  their  intellectual 
and  spiritual  gifts  as  they  differed  in  physique. 
Each  represented  a  type,  and  the  distinguished 
part  that  each  played  was  largely  due  to  his  fitness 
for  the  work  undertaken.  Mr.  Davis  seemed  to  be 
the  only  one  improperly  classed. 

Greater  perhaps  than  any  one  of  the  three  men 
I  have  mentioned  in  those  gifts  of  mind  that  stand 
for  the  highest  intellectual  attainments  and  no- 
bility of  soul,  he  needed  that  power  <of  action  and 
balance  of  judgment  so  necessary  to  the  great 
leader  of  desperate  situations.  He  was  not  pre- 
eminently a  man  of  action,  of  desperate  resolu- 
tion, or  of  fiery  passions.  His  mind  was  a  store- 
house of  knowledge,  of  beautiful  thought,  of  in- 
tense patriotism,  of  deep  conviction,  trained  to 
move  men  by  language  of  flowery  speech  and  deep 
emotion,  not  by  vigorous,  daring,  and  bold  ad- 
venture. 

America  has  produced  few  men  who  have 
equaled  Mr.  Davis  in  purity  and  nobility  of  char- 
acter and  in  those  higher  gifts  of  mind  that  make 


224        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

great  names  in  history.  It  is  unfortunate  for 
his  fame  that  circumstances  made  him  the  leader 
of  a  great  movement  that  needed  different  char- 
acteristics from  those  which  he  possessed. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  a  man  of  scholarly  educa- 
tion, of  wide  learning,  or  of  great  oratorical  power, 
yet  he  had  the  genius  of  common  sense,  the  faculty 
of  saying  and  doing  the  right  thing  at  the  right 
time.  His  knowledge  of  men,  his  clear  views 
of  the  political  situation,  his  powers  of  leadership 
were  phenomenal.  His  clear,  concise,  and  pa- 
triotic oration  at  Gettysburg  placed  him  in  the 
front  rank  of  the  world's  great  orators.  Neither 
Demosthenes  nor  Cicero,  Burke  nor  Sheridan, 
Webster  nor  Clay  ever  touched  the  hearts  of  na- 
tions as  did  Mr.  Lincoln  by  his  great  classic. 

History  has  shown  that  men  have  been  raised 
up  for  important  occasions.  Great  leaders  have 
been  discovered.  Circumstances  have  molded  the 
man  for  the  occasion  as  much  as  the  occasion 
has  molded  the  man.  When  the  leader  has  not 
measured  up  to  the  occasion  he  has  gone  down  in 
disaster.  It  was  unfortunate  for  Mr.  Davis  that 
he  had  in  his  cabinet  but  one  or  two  men  who 
were  really  strong  and  well-trained  advisers. 
The  Department  of  the  Treasury  and  the  De- 
partment of  War  were  badly  conducted.  The 
finances  of  the  Confederacy,  especially,  were  con- 
ducted on  the  weakest  financial  basis.     The  credit 


THE  CONFEDERATE  POLICY     225 

of  the  Government  was  discounted  in  the  very  be- 
ginning of  the  war.  The  South  had  little  gold 
and  silver  currency,  and  no  mines  that  yielded 
these  precious  metals  in  any  quantity.  She  had, 
however,  a  staple  product  that  always  commanded 
a  ready  market.  "Cotton  was  king";  and  the 
Confederate  Government  bought  cotton  with  treas- 
ury bonds  and  currency,  hoarded  it,  and  then 
failed  to  use  this  great  staple  to  any  advantage. 
During  the  first  two  years  of  the  war  the  Southern 
ports  were  practically  open,  and  it  was  possible 
then  to  have  shipped  millions  of  bales  of  cotton  to 
foreign  markets  in  exchange  for  army  supplies  or 
as  a  basis  of  credit  for  future  use.  The  oppor- 
tunity was  lost  and  the  Government  burned  enor- 
mous quantities  to  prevent  it  from  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy. 

The  rapid  depreciation  of  Confederate  notes 
and  bonds  indicated  the  weakness  of  the  Govern- 
ment and  the  worthlessness  of  its  credit. 

The  Department  of  War  was  about  as  inef- 
ficient as  the  Department  of  the  Treasury.  It 
failed  to  supply  arms,  clothes,  and  food  for  the 
men  in  the  field,  and  but  for  the  supplies  cap- 
tured from  the  Northern  armies  the  military  re- 
sources of  the  Government  would  have  been  ex- 
hausted long  before  they  were.  It  is  a  sad  com- 
mentary upon  the  war  that  the  Southern  cause 
was  so  greatly  handicapped  by  the  weakness  of  the 


226        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

civil  administration.  In  the  light  of  the  present  it 
is  very  easy  to  see  conditions  that  were  not  fully 
apparent  at  the  time,  yet  as  a  small  boy  I  heard 
the  criticisms  that  I  have  made  here  expressed  by 
some  of  our  old  citizens  in  our  village.  They  saw 
the  drift  of  things  and  deplored  them,  yet  they 
were  powerless  to  change  conditions. 

The  Legislative  Department  was  as  inefficient 
as  the  Administrative.  Both  the  Senate  and 
Lower  House  of  the  Confederate  Congress  were 
rank  with  the  poison  of  Bourbonism.  Old  men, 
old  methods,  old  manners,  and  old  dignities 
hedged  in  the  thought  and  actions  of  men  who 
were  unable  to  see  the  signs  of  the  times  and  the 
need  of  progressive  and  vigorous  measures.  If 
there  is  on  the  statute  books  of  the  Confederate 
regime  one  single  act  of  legislation  that  shows  an 
original  and  up-to-date  measure,  I  have  never 
heard  of  it.  The  vital  questions  of  the  hour,  the 
larger  views  of  government,  the  development  of 
new  and  bold  policies  in  civil  administration  were 
lost  sight  of  in  the  minds  of  men  who  were 
clouded  by  age  and  blinded  by  impracticable 
ideals  of  patriotism.  The  cause  of  the  South  was 
a  desperate  one.  It  needed  men  bold  in  courage 
and  resourcefulness,  keen  in  thought  and  action, 
full  of  initiative,  and  vigorous  in  progressiveness. 
Did  the  South  have  these  men  at  the  head  of  her 
civil  affairs'?     Who  will  answer  yes*? 


CHAPTER  XX 

THE    SPRING    AND    SUMMER    OF     1863 

During  the  spring  of  1863  our  village  was  visited 
only  once  by  the  Federal  troops.  On  this  occa- 
sion a  regiment  of  cavalry  came  and  remained  in 
camp  one  day.  It  marched  into  the  village  on  a 
rainy  and  foggy  morning  about  the  last  of  April, 
and  went  into  camp  in  a  piece  of  woods  near  my 
home.  As  the  men  marched  up  the  pike  they  were 
wearing  rubber  blankets  over  their  overcoats  and 
looked  quite  uncomfortable.  The  roads  were 
muddy,  and  the  weather  was  about  as  disagreeable 
as  one  could  experience.  After  passing  a  short 
distance  in  front  of  my  home  the  regiment  turned 
to  the  right  and  entered  a  grove.  A  halt  was 
made  by  the  column;  and  while  the  soldiers  were 
on  their  horses,  waiting  for  orders  to  move,  one  or 
two  of  the  men  dismounted  and  stood  at  rest. 

There  happened  to  be  a  number  of  chickens  and 
turkeys  belonging  to  my  mother  browsing  on  the 
grass  in  a  meadow  in  which  they  were  standing. 
An  old  gobbler  was  strutting  around  with  his  tail 
feathers  erect  and  his  head  ornaments  displayed 
to  their  best  advantage  to  attract  the  attention 

of  the  female  members  of  the  turkey  family.     He 

227 


228        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

was  very  proud  of  his  ornaments  and  seemed 
trying  to  attract  attention  by  an  occasional  "gob- 
ble, gobble."  One  of  the  soldiers,  noticing  his 
antics,  approached  him,  and  taking  a  red  hand- 
kerchief, shook  it  in  the  face  of  the  gobbler. 
The  old  bird  at  once  put  up  a  fight  and  gave  chase. 
The  man  played  with  him  a  few  minutes  when 
an  idea  struck  him,  and  drawing  his  saber,  he  de- 
liberately cut  off  the  gobbler's  head  with  one 
stroke.  He  then  picked  up  the  old  bird  and 
carried  it  to  his  horse.  In  less  time  than  I  can 
tell  the  stor)'  the  men  jumped  down  from  their 
horses  and  gave  chase  to  the  other  turkeys  and 
chickens  in  the  field.  They  ran  them  down  until 
they  had  killed  all  that  did  not  make  their  escape 
in  the  weeds  and  under  buildings. 

In  a  few  minutes  the  order  of  march  was 
given  and  the  men  moved  on  a  short  distance  and 
then  dismounted  and  went  into  camp.  They  had 
scarcely  taken  the  places  assigned  to  them  when 
they  rushed  down  to  the  barn  on  our  place  and 
ripped  off  all  the  plank  on  the  sides  of  the  build- 
ing and  carried  it  to  their  camp  to  make  covering 
to  protect  them  from  the  rain,  as  it  was  still 
drizzling.  Not  satisfied  with  the  demolition  of 
the  barn  they  took  all  the  hay  and  grain  they 
could  find,  and  then  began  to  plunder  the  out- 
buildings in  search  of  anything  that  would  add 
to  their  comfort.     They  made  a  raid  on  the  hen- 


SPRING  AND  SUMMER  OF  1863     229 

house  and  poultry  yard,  and  ran  down  every  fowl 
that  came  within  their  reach. 

As  a  forest  of  weeds  and  briars  had  grown  up 
around  the  garden  and  barn  the  poultry  ran  into 
this  retreat  and  many  escaped. 

While  they  were  engaged  in  all  this  plunder 
several  amusing  incidents  occurred  that  show  the 
low  type  of  men  and  the  mean  characters  our  peo- 
ple had  to  contend  with  at  that  time.  After  all 
the  poultry  within  reach  had  been  dispatched 
these  men  discovered  a  pen  of  small  shoats  near 
the  barn.  The  pigs  were  small  but  fat,  and  a 
good  size  for  a  roast.  Two  of  the  men  jumped 
into  the  pen  and  caught  one  of  the  pigs  that  be- 
gan to  squeal. 

From  the  house  Aunt  Susan  heard  the  noise  at 
the  pen,  and  she  picked  up  a  butcher-knife  and 
ran  for  the  pen  as  fast  as  she  could  go.  When 
she  reached  the  place  one  of  the  men  was  climb- 
ing over  the  side  with  one  of  the  shoats,  which 
he  had  killed,  while  the  other  man  in  the  pen  was 
trying  to  catch  a  pig.  Susan  jumped  into  the  pen, 
with  the  butcher-knife,  and,  with  a  voluble  out- 
pour of  profanity,  defied  the  man  to  take  her  pig 
and  threatened  him  with  the  point  of  the  knife, 
if  he  did  not  get  out  at  once  and  let  her  pigs 
alone.  The  fellow  quietly  climbed  out  and  re- 
turned to  camp  with  his  companion  who  already 
had  the  dead  pig. 


230        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

Susan  remained  at  the  pen  for  a  short  time  to 
see  whether  anyone  would  come  to  steal  the 
pigs.  She  then  returned  to  the  house,  and  was 
preparing  the  dinner  when  a  soldier  came  in  the 
kitchen  with  an  old  hen  he  had  killed  and  de- 
manded to  know  where  he  could  find  hot  water 
to  scald  the  feathers.  Without  waiting  for  an 
answer,  he  discovered  a  large  pot  on  the  stove  and, 
raising  the  cover,  he  plunged  the  hen  in  the  boil- 
ing contents,  which  happened  to  be  soup  that 
Susan  was  cooking  for  dinner. 

The  old  negress  caught  the  man  in  the  act, 
and  seizing  the  butcher-knife,  made  a  dig  at  him; 
but  fortunately  it  did  not  hurt  him.  He  took 
alarm,  however,  and  rushed  out  of  the  kitchen  as 
fast  as  his  feet  would  carry  him,  taking  the  hen 
with  him.  Susan  chased  him  out  of  the  yard 
and  called  him  by  some  very  ugly  names,  which 
I  will  not  repeat.  She  had  hardly  driven  this 
man  away  and  returned  to  her  work  in  the  kitchen 
when  she  heard  a  noise  in  the  yard,  and  going  out 
the  door,  saw  several  men  breaking  the  door  of  the 
smokehouse.  They  had  gotten  inside  and  had 
begun  to  take  the  meat  when  Susan  arrived  on 
the  scene. 

In  a  violent  rage  she  ordered  these  men  out  and 
they  quietly  departed;  but  as  they  were  leaving 
one  of  the  men  saw  a  turkey  hen  seated  on  her 
nest  in  a  flour  barrel.     He  jerked  up  the  barrel 


SPRING  AND  SUMMER  OF  1863     231 

and  started  to  take  it  with  him,  but  Susan  seized 
the  barrel  and  made  him  let  go.  The  men  left 
at  length,  and  Susan  won  the  day.  The  old 
negress  took  the  turkey  hen  in  the  barrel  into  the 
house  and  kept  it  there  until  the  regiment  left. 
This  old  turkey  hatched  a  litter  of  fifteen,  every 
one  of  which  Susan  raised  to  adult  life,  and  they 
gave  us  a  winter's  supply. 

Early  the  following  morning  the  regiment 
broke  camp  and  left  our  village.  In  the  short 
time  they  were  in  camp  they  came  near  cleaning 
up  our  home  of  all  articles  of  food  for  man  and 
beast.  Had  it  not  been  for  Susan,  nothing  would 
have  been  left.  This  old  negress  claimed  every- 
thing on  the  place  as  her  property,  and  she  defied 
the  right  of  these  soldiers  to  take  what  belonged 
to  her.  My  father  always  gave  Susan  and  Lewis 
the  privilege  of  raising  with  his  stock  a  pig  or 
calf,  which  he  fed  and  bought  when  it  was  sold. 

This  he  did  in  consideration  of  the  attention 
they  gave  in  caring  for  the  stock  and  milking  the 
cows.  In  addition,  my  mother  gave  Susan  a 
small  interest  in  the  poultry  that  she  managed 
exclusively,  with  great  success.  Lewis  had  as 
an  allowance  a  small  piece  of  land,  on  which  he 
raised  broom  corn,  tobacco,  and  melons.  Dur- 
ing the  last  two  years  of  the  war  these  old  negroes 
practically  ran  the  entire  place  and  raised  what 
food  supplies  we  needed. 


232        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

The  morning  the  regiment  of  cavalry  left  their 
camp  they  were  unable  to  take  with  them  a  fine 
young  mare  which  was  so  lame  that  she  could  not 
put  one  foot  to  the  ground.  I  found  her  and 
brought  her  home.  With  Uncle  Lewis'  assist- 
ance I  nursed  her  lame  foot  until  she  was  able  to 
walk  with  some  comfort.  We  sent  her  to  the 
farm  where  she  was  kept  for  over  a  year,  when 
a  raiding  party  of  Federal  cavalry  came  along 
and  took  her  and  the  remainder  of  the  horses  on 
the  farm,  except  an  unbroken  colt  that  was  so 
wild  that  they  could  not  catch  her.  This  colt 
was  the  only  horse  left  us  at  the  close  of  the  war. 

As  the  armies  were  passing  through  our  county 
they  frequently  left  their  old,  lame,  and  blind 
horses  which  our  people  took  care  of  and  made 
useful  on  the  farm.  A  horse  of  any  value  for 
military  purposes  was  pressed  into  service  by  one 
or  the  other  armies,  the  only  difference  being  that 
the  Confederates  usually  gave  a  consideration  for 
the  animal  and  the  Federals  took  it  by  force. 
One  day  a  boy  of  my  age  was  riding  along  the 
road  when  he  met  unexpectedly  a  squad  of  Fed- 
eral cavalry  riding  in  great  haste.  His  horse  was 
an  indifferent  one,  but  one  of  the  men  dismounted 
from  his  horse,  which  was  winded  and  about 
broken  down,  took  the  horse  that  the  boy  was  rid- 
ing,  and  left  his  own  horse  with  the  boy. 

It  was  a  cold-blooded  hold-up,  but  the  boy  got 


SPRING  AND  SUMMER  OF  1863     233 

the  advantage  as  the  horse  he  received  soon  rested 
up  and  turned  out  to  be  a  useful  animal. 

After  the  experience  that  I  have  related  we 
saw  no  Federal  troops  until  after  the  battle  of 
Gettysburg  in  July,  1863.  We  lived  rather 
quietly,  so  far  as  disturbances  from  the  enemy 
were  concerned,  until  the  summer  of  1864.  Our 
farmers  cultivated  their  land  and  did  the  best 
they  could  with  their  crops  considering  the  con- 
ditions of  labor  and  the  poor  material  they  had 
to  work  with.  We  had  little  stock,  and,  as  we 
were  a  grazing  people,  our  grass  lands  were  idle 
and  overgrown  with  weeds.  The  fencing  was  so 
indifferent  that  it  was  difficult  to  get  fields  en- 
closed to  raise  grain. 

In  the  spring  of  1863  the  Federal  outpost  was 
located  at  Winchester.  We  were  practically 
within  the  Confederate  lines.  The  military 
operations  were  removed  from  the  Valley  to 
eastern  Virginia.  The  two  great  armies  were 
facing  each  other  along  the  banks  of  the  Rappa- 
hannock. On  April  the  27th  the  Federal  army 
began  its  first  movement  in  the  third  advance  on 
Richmond.  The  Confederate  forces  were  on  the 
alert  for  this  advance  and  were  concentrated  in 
the  front  of  Hooker  in  the  country  around 
Chancellorsville.  On  May  1st  Hooker  had 
crossed  the  Rappahannock  and  had  attempted,  by 
a  flank  movement,   to  get  in  the  rear  of  Lee's 


234        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

army,  assuming  that  the  position  of  the  Confed- 
erate forces  had  not  changed  and  that  the  main 
body  was  divided  and  in  a  different  position  to 
that  which  he  subsequently  discovered.  On  May 
2d  Jackson  had  moved  his  corps  around  the 
right  wing  of  Hooker,  and  late  in  the  afternoon 
made  an  assault  on  the  Federals, — an  assault  that 
completely  routed  their  forces  and  drove  them 
back. 

General  Howard,  with  twenty  regiments  of 
infantry  and  six  batteries,  held  the  right  wing  of 
Hooker's  army.  It  was  late  in  the  afternoon 
when  Stonewall  Jackson  hurled  his  entire  force 
against  Howard's  men  and  by  a  rapid  advance, 
which  was  not  expected,  drove  in  the  Federal 
pickets  in  confusion  and  soon  had  the  Federal 
forces  in  rapid  retreat. 

The  right  wing  of  Hooker's  army  was  com- 
pletely crushed,  and  the  battle  of  Chancellorsville 
was  won.  This  was  a  great  victory  for  the  Con- 
federates and  put  a  stop  to  any  further  advance 
on  Richmond.  The  victory  was  dearly  purchased 
as  it  resulted  in  the  wounding  and  subsequent 
death  of  Stonewall  Jackson.  In  the  impatience 
of  the  battle  he  was  in  the  advance  of  his  lines 
and  became  separated  from  the  position  he  should 
have  occupied.  In  the  darkness  and  confusion  he 
and  his  associates  were  fired  upon,  and  Jackson 
received  three  bullet  wounds, — one  in  the  right 


SPRING  AND  SUMMER  OF  1863     235 

hand,  and  two  in  the  left  arm,  cutting  the  main 
artery  and  fracturing  the  bone  below  the  shoulder. 
His  horse,  mad  with  terror,  plunged  into  the 
woods  and  an  overhanging  bough  came  near  un- 
horsing him.  He  managed  to  get  into  the  road 
but  he  had  sustained  such  a  shock  in  his  wounds 
and  loss  of  blood  that  he  fell  from  his  saddle  into 
the  arms  of  one  of  his  attendants. 

After  lingering  and  suffering  greatly  from  his 
wounds,  Jackson  passed  away  on  May  10,  1863, 
and  with  his  death  the  South  lost  the  greatest 
soldier,  next  to  Lee,  that  the  war  produced. 
History  is  filled  with  his  deeds  and  with  a  review 
of  his  character.  As  a  military  genius  the  world 
has  few  men  who  have  reached  the  position  he 
attained ;  as  a  man  and  patriot  his  name  will  long 
live  among  the  great  characters  of  history.  His 
general  make-up  was  so  extraordinary  that  he 
stands  in  a  class  almost  alone  among  the  heroes 
and  soldiers  of  all  ages.  It  is  not  pertinent  to 
this  story  to  discuss  the  details  of  his  life,  so  much 
better  done  by  his  biographers  and  by  historians 
of  the  war. 

The  battle  of  Chancellorsville  was  renewed  on 
the  4th,  5th,  and  6th  of  May,  and  on  the  evening 
of  the  6th  Hooker  withdrew  his  army  across  the 
Rappahannock  and  escaped  the  hands  of  Lee. 
The  Army  of  the  Potomac  returned  to  its  old 
camp  along  the  north  bank  of  the  Rappahannock, 


236        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

while  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  remained 
on  the  defensive  and  began  to  prepare  for  the  ag- 
gressive movement  that  it  made  in  the  latter 
weeks  of  May  when  it  began  the  invasion  of 
Maryland  and  Pennsylvania. 

The  battle  of  Chancellorsville  was  hardly  con- 
tested and  resulted  in  heavy  losses  to  both 
armies.  The  Federal  loss  was  over  17,000  men 
and  the  Confederate  loss  was  over  12,000.  The 
Federal  forces  numbered  some  130,000  men,  and 
the  Confederate  forces  were  less  than  70,000. 
The  results  were  great  for  the  South  and  the  hopes 
of  our  people  were  again  alive  with  encourage- 
ment. The  Confederate  army  was  never  in  bet- 
ter physical  condition,  and  its  morale  was  greatly 
elevated.  The  men  had  been  seasoned  and 
hardened  to  service,  and  as  success  had  crowned 
their  efforts  they  began  to  feel  that  they  were 
invincible.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  evident 
that  their  forces  were  being  gradually  reduced 
by  losses  in  battle  and  new  recruits  were  not  to 
be  had  in  large  numbers.  Whilst  the  Federal 
armies  had  met  with  repeated  disasters,  and  while 
their  numbers  had  been  reduced  by  heavy  losses, 
the  resources  of  the  North  in  men  and  money  were 
great  and  new  men  could  be  enlisted  as  fast  as 
the  armies  were  depleted.  The  North  had  shown 
great  determination  and  persistence  in  her  efforts 
to  subdue  the  South,  and  there  was  no  apparent 


SPRING  AND  SUMMER  OF  1863     237 

relaxation  of  these  efforts.  The  policy  of  the 
Federal  Government  had  changed,  and  by  the 
recent  proclamation  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  emancipating  the  negro,  the  peo- 
ple of  the  South  were  brought  face  to  face  with 
new  conditions. 

The  practical  conditions  were  now  reduced  to 
the  simple  problem  of  endurance.  The  resources 
of  the  South  were  being  exhausted  by  losses  of 
men  in  battle  and  by  losses  of  property  and  terri- 
tory by  the  invasion  of  Federal  troops.  Her 
vitality  and  strength  were  being  gradually  sapped, 
while  the  North  had  hardly  felt  the  losses  she  had 
sustained.  It  was  quite  evident  at  this  time  that 
the  hope  of  foreign  intervention  was  a  forlorn  one, 
and  that  no  aid  could  be  expected  from  outside 
sources.  The  contest  was  an  unequal  one,  in  which 
the  enemy  had  all  the  advantage  in  wealth,  in 
men,  and  in  the  sentiment  of  the  civilized  world. 

The  military  achievements  of  the  Confederacy 
had  been  marked  with  distinguished  success. 
There  was  no  fault  with  the  men  who  did  the 
fighting.  The  whole  fault  was  with  the  policy 
of  the  Government  at  Richmond.  The  South 
was  finally  whipped  and  worn  out  by  her  losses 
in  battle  and  destruction  of  property.  Starvation 
and  death  brought  submission  and  humiliation. 
In  the  final  estimate  she  lost  her  slaves,  and  she 
lost  the  government  she  was  trying  to  establish 


238        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

on  a  basis  of  slavery.  The  only  thing  she  saved 
out  of  the  wreck  was  the  heroism  of  her  armies. 

After  the  victory  of  Chancellorsville  it  became 
evident  that  the  time  had  come  for  the  invasion 
of  the  North.  It  was  believed  that  by  trans- 
ferring the  operations  of  the  war  to  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania  the  people  in  Virginia  would  have 
a  rest  and  the  opportunity  to  cultivate  crops  for 
the  support  of  the  armies  and  people.  By  liv- 
ing off  of  other  States  the  army  could  be  fed  and 
cared  for  at  less  expense.  This  was  probably  one 
of  the  motives  which  led  Lee  to  invade  Maryland. 
The  moral  effect  of  the  invasion  was  also  a  strong 
motive.  Could  a  heavy  blow  be  given  the  Fed- 
eral army  on  Northern  territory,  its  effect  upon 
the  results  of  the  war  would  be  highly  beneficial. 

An  army  operating  on  the  defense  and  on  its 
own  ground  has  a  distinct  advantage  over  an  army 
that  is  making  an  aggressive  campaign;  hence 
General  Lee  assumed  a  great  responsibility  when 
he  changed  his  policy  of  defense  to  one  of  inva- 
sion of  hostile  territory.  By  this  act  he  gave  the 
enemy  the  advantage  he  had  occupied  up  to  this 
time.  He  based  his  hopes  of  success  upon  the 
valor  and  courage  of  his  well-trained  men  rather 
than  upon  the  number  and  equipment  of  his 
forces.  He  had  calculated  to  live  off  of  the  in- 
vaded country,  and  to  draw  large  supplies  of 
clothes  and  military  material  from  the  territory 


SPRING  AND  SUMMER  OF  1863     239 

through  which  he  would  pass.  His  previous  ex- 
perience in  the  Maryland  campaign  of  1862  had 
taught  him  that  he  could  not  expect  large  addi- 
tions to  his  forces  from  the  States  he  invaded,  so 
that  the  material  advantages  of  the  invasion  he 
probably  considered  of  less  importance  than  the 
moral  effect.  In  the  light  of  the  results  it  can 
not  be  claimed  that  the  Gettysburg  campaign  was 
a  success  from  an)'  point  of  view,  but,  to  the  con- 
trary, was  the  high-water  mark  of  the  Confederate 
cause  and  the  first  great  loss  of  prestige  the  army 
under  Lee  met.  After  the  great  contest  of  arms 
at  Gettysburg  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  was 
never  the  same. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

THE    GETTYSBURG    CAMPAIGN 

In  the  latter  part  of  June,  1863,  the  Confederate 
army  broke  camp  on  the  Rappahannock  and  be- 
gan the  march  north  in  the  direction  of  western 
Maryland.  The  main  route  of  march  was  across 
the  Blue  Ridge,  through  Chester's  Gap  by  way 
of  our  village. 

The  force  under  General  Lee  amounted  to 
over  70,000  men,  including  infantry,  cavalry,  and 
artillery.  This  large  body  of  men  were  three 
days  in  passing  through  our  place,  and  they  pre- 
sented a  most  interesting  and  impressive  sight. 
It  was  the  largest  army  I  had  ever  seen  or  have 
seen  since,  and  I  recall  a  number  of  incidents  con- 
nected with  the  march.  The  men  were  in  splen- 
did condition  and  in  high  spirits.  As  they  passed 
through  the  village  the  soldiers  closed  up  their 
ranks  and  the  bands  played  as  if  on  parade.  The 
artillery  and  the  wagons,  interspersed  between  the 
different  commands,  added  to  the  impressiveness 
of  the  occasion  and  gave  a  good  idea  of  the  details 
and  appurtenances  of  war. 

Two  miles  north  of  the  village  this  large  body 

of  men  had  to  cross  the  Shenandoah  River  at  a 

240 


THE  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN     241 

point  where  the  north  and  south  branches  meet 
to  make  the  main  river.  At  this  confluence  a 
pontoon  bridge  had  been  placed,  and  the  men, 
and  wagons,  and  artillery  had  to  cross  in  a  narrow 
file.  The  passage  of  the  army  over  the  bridge 
was  slow,  and  the  marching  columns  were  often 
delayed  and  had  to  rest  by  the  roadside  until  the 
line  of  march  could  be  continued.  For  miles  the 
road  was  often  blocked,  and  while  the  men  were 
waiting  for  the  order  to  march  they  had  a  merry 
time  by  the  way.  I  recall  one  of  these  incidents 
as  it  made  a  lasting  impression  on  me. 

The  division  commanded  by  General  A.  P. 
Hill  was  passing  through  the  village  and  had  to 
halt  until  the  block  at  the  river  was  open.  It  was 
in  the  early  forenoon,  and  the  day  was  somewhat 
foggy  and  damp. 

The  men  resting  by  the  roadside  and  in  the  field 
adjoining  were  laughing  at  the  pranks  in  which 
some  of  their  comrades  were  engaged.  The  field 
was  covered  with  bats,  which  were  flying  around, 
darting  here  and  there,  and  coming  so  close  to  the 
ground  that  they  could  almost  be  reached  with  a 
long  stick.  The  men  were  striking  at  these  bats 
with  sticks,  bayonets,  and  guns, — anything,  in 
fact,  that  they  could  find  to  throw  at  them.  The 
fun  was  most  exciting,  and  the  men  made  perfect 
pandemonium  as  they  tried  to  hit  these  swift-fly- 
ing little  creatures.     Though  there  were  hundreds 


242        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

of  men  and  an  enormous  number  of  bats,  not  one 
was  struck.  This  fun  lasted  for  a  half-hour  and 
only  stopped  when  the  order  to  march  was  given. 

General  Hill  and  his  staff,  dismounted,  were 
standing  in  a  field  near  the  road  while  this  fun 
was  going  on  and  they  entered  into  the  sport  with 
as  much  zest  as  the  boys.  The  General  laughed 
immoderately  at  the  performances  of  the  soldiers 
and  laid  aside  all  the  graver  cares  of  war.  When 
the  line  of  march  was  taken  up  I  and  several  boys 
of  about  my  age  joined  the  men  and  went  to  the 
river  to  see  them  cross  on  the  pontoon.  We  spent 
the  entire  day  watching  the  different  commands 
file  across  the  bridge.  It  was  a  sight  that  few 
boys  can  ever  see  and  was  worth  the  time  we  gave 
to  it. 

As  we  were  marching  along  the  road  one  of  the 
men  called  me  and  asked  me  to  carry  his  gun. 
This  was  just  the  thing  I  wanted  to  do  and  in  a 
few  minutes  I  was  loaded  down  with  guns.  After 
carrying  them  a  short  distance  I  would  give  them 
back  to  their  owners  and  in  return  they  would 
give  me  a  handful  of  caps.  Before  I  reached  the 
river  my  pockets  were  filled  with  caps.  One  of 
my  boy  companions  was  named  Charlie.  I  called 
out,  "Charlie,  come  and  get  this  man's  gun."  In 
an  instant  the  men  along  the  line  as  far  as  we 
could  hear  took  up  the  cry  and  called,  "Charlie, 
Charlie,  come  and  get  my  gun,"  so  that  before 


THE  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN     243 

we  reached  the  river  Charlie  had  more  guns  and 
caps  than  he  could  carry  and  his  name  was  known 
to  every  man  in  the  command. 

This  little  incident  will  show  some  of  the  small 
things  that  make  up  a  soldier's  life,  and  how  these 
men  in  daily  contact  with  the  hardships  of  march, 
life  in  camp,  and  on  the  firing  line  can  find  fun 
and  real  enjoyment.  It  was  this  spirit  that  often 
held  men  to  the  duties  of  military  life,  for  with  all 
its  dangers  and  trials  men  often  found  satisfaction 
in  camp  life,  on  the  march,  and  in  the  strife  of 
battle. 

After  the  army  had  passed  our  way  we  were 
left  within  the  Confederate  lines  and  were  in 
anxious  expectation  of  the  results  from  the  front. 
General  Lee  pushed  forward  his  men,  and  after 
crossing  the  Potomac  he  advanced  through  Mary- 
land into  Pennsylvania.  In  the  meantime  the 
Federal  army  under  General  George  Meade  had 
assembled  a  large  force  near  the  line  dividing  the 
States  of  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Emmetsburg  and  Gettysburg. 
The  two  armies  were  approaching  and  at  length, 
on  the  afternoon  of  July  2d,  1863,  they  ran  up 
against  each  other  and  the  opening  battle  began 
at  Gettysburg. 

In  the  first  encounter  the  Federals  were  driven 
back  through  the  town;  but  the  Confederates 
failed  to  occupy  the  strong  position  on  the  heights 


244        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

south,  known  as  Cemetery  Hill.  The  battle  was 
renewed  on  the  3d  and  4th  with  desperate  fighting 
on  both  sides.  The  advantage  was  with  the 
Federals  as  they  were  on  the  defensive  and  held 
very  strong  positions. 

In  the  assaults  made  by  the  Confederates  dur- 
ing the  second  and  third  days  the  losses  were 
very  heavy  and  the  position  was  firmly  held  by 
the  Federals.  The  celebrated  charge  made  on  the 
4th  of  July  by  General  Pickett's  command  has 
gone  down  in  history.  At  the  close  of  the  third 
day's  battle  the  two  armies  were  so  badly  crippled 
that  neither  ventured  to  renew  the  fight.  General 
Lee  withdrew  his  army  and  retired  to  the  south 
bank  of  the  Potomac.  He  was  not  closely  fol- 
lowed by  the  Federal  forces. 

The  battle  of  Gettysburg  was  very  disastrous 
in  its  final  results  to  the  Confederate  cause.  It 
was  the  high-water  mark  of  the  war  and  from  that 
time  on  the  success  of  the  South  was  held  in  a 
balance  until  the  final  overthrow  two  years  later. 

On  the  retreat  of  the  Confederate  army  from 
Gett)sburg  it  passed  for  the  second  time  through 
our  village.  Its  condition  on  the  retreat  was  far 
different  from  that  on  its  advance.  The  men  and 
the  equipments  of  the  army  plainly  indicated  the 
rough  service  that  had  been  experienced.  The 
ranks  of  many  of  the  regiments  were  depleted,  the 
horses  and  wagons  were  worn  and  broken  down 


THE  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN     245 

in  many  instances,  and  the  morale  of  the  troops 
had  suffered  greatly.  There  were  many  wounded 
and  sick  and  a  general  indication  of  disorganiza- 
tion. Many  of  the  men  who  had  passed  our  way 
a  few  weeks  before  in  high  spirits  and  confident 
of  victory  had  been  left  dead  on  the  field  of  bat- 
tle or  were  wounded  and  prisoners  in  the  hands  of 
the  enemy.  It  was  a  sad  spectacle  to  our  people 
and  many  hearts  were  in  deep  distress,  for  a  num- 
ber of  our  boys  had  been  killed  and  were  buried 
on  Northern  soil,  while  others  were  wounded  and 
in  Northern  prisons. 

A  boy  with  whom  I  had  gone  to  school  was 
mortally  wounded  in  a  cavalry  engagement  at  a 
place  called  Fairfield.  Some  of  his  comrades 
buried  his  body  in  the  corner  of  the  yard  of  a 
citizen,  but  while  they  were  giving  the  last  rites 
of  burial  they  were  being  pressed  by  the  Federal 
cavalry  and  had  to  leave  before  the  grave  was 
entirely  covered  with  earth.  This  poor  fellow 
still  sleeps  in  the  spot  where  his  friends  left  him. 
On  the  retreat  a  regiment  of  Confederate  infantry, 
in  which  there  was  a  company  from  our  county 
had  been  left  on  duty  at  Winchester  and  did  not 
get  across  the  Potomac. 

This  regiment  was  sent  in  advance  to  hold  one 
of  the  gaps  of  the  Blue  Ridge  and  to  protect  the 
line  of  retreat  of  the  main  army,  which  was  to  fol- 
low.    In  some  way  I  heard  that  these  men  were 


246        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

going  to  cross  the  river  and  also  that  a  pontoon 
bridge  would  be  thrown  across  the  stream. 
With  the  curiosity  of  a  boy  I,  with  several  of  my 
companions,  went  out  to  the  river  in  the  early 
morning  and  saw  the  men  cross,  remaining  all 
day  on  the  bank  to  see  the  men  make  the  pontoon 
bridge. 

The  regiment  had  to  ford  before  the  bridge 
had  been  placed  in  position,  and  as  the  water  was 
deep  there  was  considerable  difficulty  in  getting 
the  men  over.  Some  removed  parts  of  their  cloth- 
ing and  others  plunged  in  and  waded  through,  re- 
gardless of  clothes,  carrying  their  arms  and  am- 
munition above  their  heads.  After  reaching  the 
opposite  bank  they  formed  in  line  and  took  up 
their  march.  I  did  not  go  back  to  the  village,  but 
remained,  as  I  have  stated,  to  see  pontoons  laid. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  I  returned  home  with 
my  companions  and  on  the  way  back  met  several 
Confederate  soldiers  with  a  Federal  prisoner.  I 
was  not  aware  that  the  Federal  army  was  within 
miles  of  our  village  and  we  asked  the  soldiers 
where  they  had  got  this  prisoner.  They  then  told 
us  that  the  regiment  we  had  seen  crossing  the 
river  in  the  morning  had  scarcely  taken  a  position 
in  the  Gap  some  four  miles  east  of  our  place  be- 
fore the  Federal  cavalry  charged  into  their 
pickets  and  ran  them  in;  that  the  regiment  had 
hardly  time  to  form  when  a  general  charge  was 


THE  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN     247 

made  and  a  general  engagement  followed.  The 
position  of  the  regiment  was  well  taken  in  a  piece 
of  timber  which  skirted  the  road  as  it  curved 
around  a  deep  ravine.  When  the  head  of  the  Fed- 
eral cavalry  regiment  charged  down  this  road  it 
practically  ran  into  an  ambush,  and  the  Confed- 
erates poured  a  volley  into  its  ranks,  which  killed 
17  horses  and  a  number  of  men  in  a  bend  of  the 
road  within  a  distance  of  less  than  one  hundred 
yards. 

The  road  was  too  narrow  for  the  cavalry  to 
retreat  and  it  had  to  run  the  gauntlet  of  the  fire 
until  the  distance  was  covered  and  they  could 
spread  out  in  the  fields  beyond  the  woods.  A 
number  of  these  Federals  were  captured.  The 
regiment  then  formed  in  line  and  made  an  ad- 
vance to  a  position  on  a  high  hill,  one  mile  be- 
yond the  woods  where  they  were  encamped.  In 
this  position  they  formed  in  line  of  battle  and 
waited  for  an  assault  from  the  enemy's  forces.  A 
deep  ravine  separated  the  two  armies,  now  drawn 
up  in  line  of  battle  on  opposite  hills,  about  one 
mile  from  each  other.  There  was  some  exchange 
of  firing  and  an  advance  and  retreat,  with  only 
a  few  casualties.  The  color-bearer,  Bob  Bu- 
chanan, of  the  Confederate  regiment  was 
wounded  in  the  right  hip  and  thigh.  This  poor 
fellow  was  brought  to  my  home  the  morning  after 
the  fight,  and  we  cared  for  him  for  several  months 


248        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

until  he  was  able  to  go  to  a  hospital  in  the  interior. 
I  shall  have  to  say  something  about  this  soldier 
later  on,  for  he  has  an  interesting  history,  and  he 
played  an  important  part  in  my  boyhood  life  while 
under  treatment  in  my  home. 

It  was  most  fortunate  for  General  Lee  that  the 
regiment  here  referred  to  had  got  in  position  as 
soon  as  it  did  and  that  it  was  able  to  hold  the 
Gap  in  the  mountain  until  the  main  body  of  the 
army  came  up.  It  enabled  the  entire  army  to 
cross  over  into  eastern  Virginia  by  a  direct  route. 
But  for  this  the  entire  arm)'  would  have  been 
forced  to  retreat  by  way  of  the  Shenandoah  Val- 
ley and  cross  the  Blue  Ridge  much  further  south. 
It  would  have  given  the  Federal  troops  under 
General  Meade  the  inner  line  of  travel  and  the 
possession  of  Fredericksburg  before  the  Confed- 
erates could  have  reached  the  place. 

On  the  following  day  the  Federals  attempted  to 
force  the  Gap,  but  as  the  main  body  of  the  Fed- 
eral army  had  not  come  up  and  as  Lee  had  placed 
a  larger  force  in  the  Gap  the  place  was  securely 
held.  I  have  a  vivid  recollection  of  a  visit  to  the 
place  where  the  engagement  of  the  previous  even- 
ing had  taken  place,  then  in  the  possession  of  the 
Confederates, — and  this  visit  simply  goes  to  illus- 
trate the  character  of  a  boy  whose  curiosity  is 
often  greater  than  his  discretion.     I  did  not  ask 


THE  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN     249 

my  parents'  permission,  but  with  several  of  my 
companions  undertook  to  go  and  see  what  a  bat- 
tlefield looked  like  after  the  fight  was  over.  It 
was  not  a  prudent  thing  for  a  small  boy  to  do, 
but  I  was  not  thinking  of  possibilities,  being  too 
deeply  interested  in  what  was  going  on.  While 
we  were  seeing  the  sights  of  the  day  before,  the 
two  armies  were  drawn  up  in  line  of  battle  on 
opposite  hills  a  mile  away,  and  batteries  of  ar- 
tillery were  in  position  to  begin  work  at  any  mo- 
ment. No  one  knew  at  what  moment  an  attack 
would  begin. 

Scattered  along  the  road  and  in  fields  by  tha 
roadside  the  division  of  Texans,  commanded  by 
General  Hood,  was  resting,  under  orders  in 
broken  ranks.  These  men  were  lying  down  un- 
der shade  trees,  wandering  about  the  fields  look- 
ing for  berries  and  fruit,  while  some  were  eating, 
others  were  sleeping,  and  all  were  patiently  wait- 
ing to  be  called  to  do  battle.  Under  some  cherry 
trees  in  the  same  field  were  Federal  soldiers  who 
had  been  wounded  the  day  before  and  had  not  yet 
been  carried  to  the  hospital.  I  heard  one  of  the 
Confederates  remark  that  these  men  were  mor- 
tally wounded  and  too  near  death  to  be  dis- 
turbed. I  also  saw  one  dead  Federal  soldier,  who 
had  not  yet  been  buried.  He  had  been  stripped 
of  every  stitch  of  clothing  and  was  as  naked  as 


250        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

when  he  had  come  into  this  world.  He  had  prob- 
ably been  dead  only  a  short  time,  for  he  was  the 
only  one  not  buried. 

The  next  evening  the  Federal  army  came  up 
and  made  an  attack  but  was  repulsed.  As  the 
Federals  were  driven  back,  the  Confederates  fol- 
lowed, with  a  charge  that  drove  the  attacking 
party  back  to  a  very  strong  position.  For  sev- 
eral hours  the  artillery  and  infantry  were  en- 
gaged; no  results  followed  other  than  the  death 
of  several  hundred  men  and  the  wounding  of 
many  more.  The  Confederate  wounded  were 
brought  to  our  village  and  were  quartered  in  the 
hotel,  then  unoccupied. 

After  the  third  day  the  entire  army  had  passed 
through,  and  it  was  no  longer  necessary  to  hold 
the  Gap.  The  Confederates  withdrew,  and  the 
following  morning  the  Federal  army  took  posses- 
sion of  our  village.  These  men  were  in  a  desper- 
/  ate  frame  of  mind  and  wherever  they  went  they 
1  robbed  and  destroyed  everything  they  could  lay 
their  hands  on,  sweeping  the  country  through 
which  they  passed  like  a  cyclone  and  inflicting 
great  suffering  on  our  citizens.  The  excuse  they 
gave  for  this  highway  robbery  was  that  the  Con- 
federates had  cleaned  up  things  as  they  passed 
through  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  seeming  to 
forget  the  fact  that  they  had  first  set  the  example 
during  their  previous  invasions  of  the  South. 


THE  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN     251 

An  incident  happened  in  my  home  at  that  time 
which  explains  the  nature  of  the  situation.  Soon 
after  the  Federal  troops  entered  the  village  a  Fed- 
eral officer,  dressed  in  the  uniform  of  a  colonel, 
rode  up  to  our  home,  and  dismounting,  came  to 
the  front  door,  where  he  was  met  by  some  member 
of  the  family.  He  very  politely  asked  if  he  could 
see  a  late  Richmond  paper.  He  was  invited  into 
the  hall  and  a  chair  was  given  to  him.  We  for- 
tunately had  a  late  paper,  which  was  handed  to 
him  and  he  quietly  began  to  read  it.  In  the 
meantime  my  mother  came  in  and  offered  him  a 
glass  of  ice  water,  which  he  accepted.  She  then 
offered  him  a  glass  of  milk  and  a  sandwich  which 
he  seemed  to  enjoy.  While  he  was  in  the  house 
a  cavalryman  rode  up  in  the  back  yard  and  told 
one  of  the  servants  that  he  wanted  all  the  silver 
in  the  house  and  that  he  intended  to  have  it,  draw- 
ing his  pistol  and  commanding  the  servant  to  go 
and  get  the  plate.  In  great  alarm  she  went  into 
the  house  and  told  my  mother  what  the  man  had 
said;  whereupon  my  mother  went  out  to  where 
the  man  was  sitting  on  his  horse.  He  then  re- 
peated his  threat.  My  mother  went  into  the  hall 
where  the  officer  was  seated  and  asked  him  to  pro- 
tect her.  He  immediately  went  out  and  ordered 
the  man  to  leave  the  place  at  once,  taking  his 
name  and  command  and  declaring  that  he  would 
have  him  arrested  as  soon  as  he  returned  to  his 


252        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

command.  This  officer  remained  in  our  house  for 
several  hours.  We  had  no  further  trouble.  Had 
he  not  been  present  this  cavalryman  would  prob- 
ably have  robbed  us.  I  think,  also,  that  the 
kindly  way  my  mother  had  treated  him  had  made 
him  act  as  promptly  as  he  did.  We  never  learned 
his  name,  but  we  know  that  he  was  a  gentleman 
and  a  true  man. 

That  same  afternoon  these  Federal  troops  left 
our  village  and  we  did  not  see  a  Federal  soldier  for 
months.  Our  section  of  country  was  now  free 
from  military  operations  and  we  were  at  liberty 
to  do  as  we  pleased.  The  domestic  life  of  the 
community  now  went  along  quietly  and  peace- 
fully and  we  lived  for  the  time  being  as  happily 
as  circumstances  would  permit,  considering  the 
anxiety  that  beset  many  homes,  as  the  men  in  the 
army  were  still  exposed  to  casualties  of  war. 

When  the  Federals  left  they  did  not  disturb  the 
wounded  soldiers  in  the  hotel  or  other  places  where 
they  had  been  left  by  their  commands.  These 
wounded  men  were  cared  for  until  able  to  resume 
duty. 

The  young  color-bearer  who  had  been  carried 
from  the  fight  to  our  house  with  the  two 
wounds  in  his  thigh,  was  nursed  as  carefully  as 
possible.  We  had  no  surgeons  to  dress  his 
wounds, — which  were  flesh  wounds,  but  were  in- 
fected and  discharged  very  freely, — and  I  soon 


THE  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN     253 

learned  to  dress  them  for  him.  He  grew  pale  and 
thin  but  he  was  patient  and  appreciative  and  I 
became  very  fond  of  him. 

I  would  spend  much  of  my  time  in  his  room 
trying  to  amuse  him  and  he,  in  return,  gave  me 
many  interesting  accounts  of  his  military  experi- 
ences. He  was  only  19  years  of  age  and  was  the 
color  sergeant  of  his  regiment,  in  which  position 
he  was  greatly  exposed  to  danger  in  battle.  He 
told  me  that  three  men  had  been  killed  carrying 
the  flag  before  he  had  been  promoted  to  the  posi- 
tion. He  had  been  wounded  in  the  first  engage- 
ment in  which  he  had  acted  as  color-bearer.  I 
enjoyed  the  company  of  this  young  soldier  and  was 
sorry  when  he  left. 

After  he  was  able  to  walk  on  crutches  he  was 
eager  to  get  within  the  lines,  as  he  was  appre- 
hensive that  a  raiding  party  would  come  and  take 
him  to  prison.  Late  in  the  fall  he  went  to  Lynch- 
burg and  entered  a  hospital,  where,  we  afterward 
learned,  he  died  of  smallpox  contracted  there. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

THE  FALL  AND  WINTER  OF  1863 

The  fall  and  winter  of  1863  brought  quiet  and 
rest  to  our  community.  The  military  operations 
of  both  armies  had  practically  ceased  in  Virginia. 
The  men  went  into  winter  quarters  and  only  a 
few  raiding  parties  of  cavalry  were  now  and  then 
seen.  A  brigade  of  Confederate  cavalry  en- 
camped about  two  miles  south  of  our  village  for 
some  four  or  five  weeks  to  rest  their  horses  and 
secure  food  for  the  men  and  animals.  It  was  a 
season  of  rest  for  man  and  beast.  A  number  of 
the  men  who  lived  near  were  given  short  fur- 
loughs, as  they  lived  near  their  homes  and  could 
report  for  duty  in  a  few  hours.  Those  who  re- 
mained in  camp  amused  themselves  with  different 
sports,  among  which  was  horse  racing.  Close  to 
the  encampment  was  a  long  and  level  river  bot- 
tom that  made  an  excellent  race  course. 

A  most  exciting  race  took  place  between  horses 
belonging  to  Colonel  Massie  and  Lieutenant-Colo- 
nel O'Farrell,  of  the  12th  Virginia  Regiment, — a 
race  that  I  had  the  pleasure  of  witnessing.  Colo- 
nel Massie  owned  a  farm  in  the  northern  part  of 
our  count)"  on  which  he   raised   some   well-bred 

254 


FALL  AND  WINTER  OF  1863      255 

colts.  Among  these  colts  was  a  three-year-old  that 
had  never  been  shod  and  was  scarcely  bridle-wise. 
It  had  been  running  in  pasture  with  the  cattle  and 
had  never  had  a  touch  of  a  currycomb.  Its  hair 
was  long  and  coarse  and,  with  its  unkempt  hair,  it 
looked  like  a  sheep.  The  boys  on  the  farm  had 
discovered  that  the  colt  was  a  fast  runner.  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel O'Farrell  had  a  very  handsome  and 
showy  horse,  full  of  spirit  and  energy,  but,  like 
many  showy  persons,  it  did  not  have  much  real 
merit.  This  Colonel  Massie  knew,  for  he  was  an 
excellent  judge  of  horses.  He  accordingly  made 
a  bet  with  his  lieutenant-colonel  that  his  colt 
could  beat  the  showy  horse. 

All  the  arrangements  were  made  for  the  race, 
and  the  entire  camp  was  in  high  glee  for  the  sport. 
The  betting  ran  high  and  the  odds  were  in  favor 
of  the  horse,  as  the  colt  presented  an  ugly  appear- 
ance. When  the  race  was  planned  the  men  gath- 
ered on  a  bluff  along  the  side  of  the  race  course 
and  had  a  splendid  view  of  the  track  from  start 
to  finish.  The  colt  was  brought  out  and  was 
ridden  by  a  boy  of  1  J, — a  son  of  the  Colonel, — 
who  rode  bareback  and  used  his  hat  as  a  whip. 
The  horse,  ridden  by  a  man  in  the  regiment, 
had  on  his  handsome  trappings  and  was  very 
showy  and  spirited.  The  colt,  to  the  contrary, 
was  as  meek  as  Moses,  and  few  believed  that 
it  had  any  go  or  merit.     When   the  order  was 


256        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

given  for  the  start  the  two  horses  flew  up  the 
track  amidst  the  shoutings  and  cries  of  the  men, 
keen  with  excitement  and  intent  on  the  finale. 
The  boy  on  the  colt  soon  took  the  lead  and  when 
the  two  entries  passed  the  judges'  stand  he  was 
some  lengths  ahead.  The  horse  seemed  winded, 
but  the  colt  paid  no  attention  to  the  honors  it  had 
won  and  walked  around  as  quietly  as  though  noth- 
ing had  been  done.  The  excitement  was  wild;  the 
men  threw  up  their  hats,  yelled,  and  made  the 
woods  and  fields  echo  with  their  shouts.  As  the 
betting  had  been  largely  on  the  horse  the  winner 
gave  good  returns,  and  money  changed  hands  very 
freely. 

This  was  the  first  horse  race  I  ever  saw,  and  it 
was  worth  more  than  all  I  have  seen  since  because 
of  picturesque  and  unique  surroundings.  These 
soldiers  entered  into  the  spirit  of  the  occasion  and 
forgot  for  the  time  the  hardships  and  cares  of 
war. 

A  few  weeks  later  the  command  moved  away 
and  made  an  excursion  into  western  Virginia  as 
far  as  the  town  of  Keyser,  on  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  Railroad,  where  they  captured  and  destroyed 
much  property.  One  of  the  boys  in  the  command, 
who  had  been  my  schoolmate  in  the  early  spring 
and  who  was  a  witness  of  the  horse  race  I  have 
described,  was  killed  in  a  charge  upon  a  garrison 
posted   in   Greenland   Gap.     He   was   a   gallant 


FALL  AND  WINTER  OF  1863      257 

young  man,  not  over  18  years  of  age,  and  had 
seen  service  in  the  army  less  than  half  a  year. 

I  recall  a  most  exciting  chase  of  two  Confeder- 
ate cavalrymen  b)r  a  company  of  Federal  cavalry 
that  I  witnessed  in  the  fall  of  1863,  and  which 
to  the  looker-on,  at  least,  was  real  sport. 

I  was  playing  in  the  front  yard  of  my  home  and 
saw  two  Confederate  soldiers  riding  along  the 
road  in  the  direction  of  Winchester.  Each  man 
was  leading  a  horse,  which  was  probably  being 
taken  home  to  be  turned  out  for  a  winter's  rest. 
When  these  men  had  reached  the  brow  of  a  hill, 
where  the  pike  leads  down  to  the  river,  they  ran 
up  against  a  company  of  Federal  cavalry  coming 
in  the  opposite  direction.  As  soon  as  they  saw 
the  Federals, — who  were  not  over  one  hundred 
yards  in  front  of  them, — they  wheeled  their  horses 
and  took  to  their  heels;  but  not  before  they  had 
been  seen  by  the  Federals.  The  two  Confederates 
ran  back  as  fast  as  they  could  go, — letting  the 
led  horses  loose  to  follow, — the  Federal  cav- 
alry in  hot  pursuit;  but,  having  fast-running 
horses,  they  gained  in  distance  on  their  pursuers, 
so  that  when  they  were  opposite  my  home  they 
were  some  three  hundred  yards  in  the  lead.  Op- 
posite my  home  was  a  large  field,  then  in  the  com- 
mons. When  this  field  was  reached  the  two  led 
horses  left  the  road  and,  with  heads  and  tails  up, 
ran  out  in  the  field  and  made  a  circle  around  in 


258        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

front  of  their  pursuers.  The  horses  suddenly 
turned  their  heads  in  the  direction  of  the  men  fol- 
lowing and  with  loud  snorts  seemed  to  bid  defi- 
ance to  their  followers.  They  waited  for  a 
moment  until  the  Federals  were  within  a  hundred 
yards  of  them  when  they  suddenly  wheeled  around 
and  made  up  the  road  after  the  two  cavalrymen 
as  fast  as  they  could  run.  The  Federals  fired 
their  pistols  at  the  horses  and  pressed  on  after 
them;  but  the  animals  made  a  safe  escape  and 
soon  joined  the  two  Confederates.  When  the 
pursuers  saw  that  they  could  not  overtake  the 
two  men  and  their  horses  they  gave  up  the  chase. 
The  attitude  of  defiance  which  these  two  horses 
put  up  amused  me  greatly,  for  they  seemed  to 
know  instinctively  that  they  were  being  followed, 
and  they  entered  into  the  sport  of  the  chase  with 
as  great  a  show  of  high  spirits  as  young  colts  in 
the  pasture.  The  two  Confederates  probably  did 
not  enjoy  the  chase  half  so  much,  as  they  were 
bent  on  getting  away  from  their  pursuers. 

That  reminds  me  of  a  similar  case  that  I  wit- 
nessed about  a  year  later, — the  chase  being  by  a 
squad  of  Federal  cavalrymen  in  pursuit  of  one 
Confederate.  On  this  occasion  the  soldier  was 
a  one-armed  Confederate  named  Clarence  Broadus, 
whom  some  of  our  people  knew  well.  Clarence 
was  a  native  of  Page  County,  and  had  lost  an 
arm  in  battle.     He  was  afterwards  appointed  a 


FALL  AND  WINTER  OF  1863      259 

conscript  officer  in  the  service  of  the  Government 
and  was  very  active  in  running  down  men  who 
were  eligible  to  military  duty.  He  was  an  ener- 
getic and  daring  fellow  and  had  made  some  narrow 
escapes  in  hunting  men  who  were  dodging  service 
and  who  hid  in  the  mountains  away  from  the 
sight  of  men.  Clarence  used  to  go  after  these 
characters  and  was  several  times  fired  upon  from 
ambush  by  some  of  them,  but  he  usually  landed 
the  man  he  was  after  and  was  much  feared  by 
the  shirkers  of  military  service.  He  made  fre- 
quent visits  to  our  village  and  on  one  occasion 
came  very  near  being  captured  by  the  Federals. 
One  da)',  as  he  was  sitting  on  his  horse  in  the  main 
street  of  the  village,  a  company  of  Federal  cavalry 
made  its  entrance  at  the  north  end  of  the  street, 
coming  from  the  direction  of  Winchester.  Clar- 
ence sat  quietly  on  his  horse  until  the  Federals 
were  within  one  hundred  yards  of  him,  when  he 
pulled  off  his  hat  and  beckoned  to  them  to  come 
on  and  capture  him,  firing  off  his  pistol,  putting 
spurs  to  his  horse  that  ran  as  fast  as  it  could 
go.  The  Federals  followed  him  in  hot  pursuit; 
but  he  soon  outdistanced  them,  and  as  he  ran  he 
would  turn  in  his  saddle  and  fire  his  pistol  at 
them,  calling  to  them  to  come  on.  With  the 
stump  of  the  amputated  arm  he  guided  his  horse, 
while  he  used  the  pistol  with  the  other  hand.  The 
horse  he  rode  was  a  handsome  dun  and  very  fleet. 


260        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

It  had  been  trained  to  obey  his  command,  and  was 
easily  guided  or  checked  by  his  handless  arm. 

Clarence  was  a  man  that  took  all  kinds  of  risks 
and  it  was  a  surprise  that  he  got  through  the  war 
with  his  life.  I  do  not  know  what  became  of  him 
after  the  war. 

While  on  the  subject  of  conscript  duty  carried 
on  by  the  Government  during  the  last  year  of  the 
war,  it  may  not  be  uninteresting  to  the  present-day 
reader  to  know  what  strenuous  efforts  were  made 
to  secure  recruits  for  the  army.  Every  white  male 
in  good  physical  health,  between  the  ages  of  16 
and  60  years,  was  subject  to  military  duty  during 
the  last  years  of  the  war;  and  few  men  escaped 
the  service.  My  own  county  had  been  raked,  and 
I  know  of  but  two  men  who  were  able  to  dodge 
the  service,  one  of  whom  had  managed  to  keep 
out  of  the  army  until  the  fall  of  1864,  when  he 
was  forced  to  enter  the  service.  He  bought  a 
horse  and  had  himself  equipped  with  uniform  and 
high-top  cavalry  boots,  which  he  wore  around  like 
a  knight  on  parade.  He  was  always  pretending 
that  he  was  going  to  the  front  but  in  some  way 
he  managed  to  stay  around  his  home  and  never 
was  enrolled  in  any  company.  The  war  closed 
in  time  to  save  him  from  arrest. 

The  other  man  had  enlisted  in  .one  of  the  in- 
fantry companies  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  but 
he  soon  deserted  and  hid  in  the  mountains  near  his 


FALL  AND  WINTER  OF  1863      261 

old  home  until  he  was  at  length  caught,  tried  for 
desertion,  and  sentenced  to  be  shot.  His  father 
was  a  very  reputable  citizen,  and  through  the  in- 
fluence of  friends  he  succeeded  in  getting  the  sen- 
tence of  death  removed,  upon  condition  that  his 
son  should  do  other  work  for  the  Government. 
The  man  was  made  useful  at  a  post  removed  from 
danger;  for  he  was  simply  one  of  the  class  of  con- 
stitutional cowards.  A  case  of  constitutional 
cowardice,  with  which  I  came  in  contact  as  a  boy, 
was  that  of  a  man  in  the  army  that  had  a  fear 
of  bullets  which  he  could  not  overcome.  When- 
ever he  went  into  an  engagement  he  invariably  ran, 
and  no  threats  of  his  officers  could  overcome  that 
fear.  He  admitted  that  he  could  not  help  run- 
ning and  begged  to  be  transferred  to  some  branch 
of  service  in  which  he  would  not  be  exposed  to 
danger.  He  was  a  correct  man  in  every  respect, 
and  in  camp  or  on  the  march  always  did  his  duty, 
while  his  comrades  respected  him  and  sympathized 
with  him,  for  he  did  not  profess  to  be  courageous, 
as  some  cowards  do.  This  man  was  forced  by 
his  captain  to  go  into  a  fight,  and  under  the  in- 
fluence of  the  fear  that  overcame  him,  he  went 
to  the  Federals,  became  a  deserter,  and  remained 
in  the  North  as  a  non-combatant  until  the  close 
of  the  war. 

I  always  had  a  deep  sympathy  for  this  fellow 
and  have  always  thought  that  the  captain  of  his 


262        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

company  made  a  great  mistake  in  not  having  him 
assigned  to  the  hospital  corps  where  he  would  have 
been  of  far  greater  service  to  his  country  than  in 
the  ranks.  Courage,  both  physical  and  moral,  is 
a  gift  that  all  men  do  not  possess  in  the  same  de- 
gree. The  man  who  has  it  is  not  necessarily  better 
than  the  man  who  has  to  struggle  to  overcome  his 
weakness  of  temperament.  Some  of  the  best  men 
I  have  known, — men  who  were  soldiers  in  the 
army, — have  told  me  that  nothing  but  pride  and 
a  high  sense  of  duty  had  held  them  steadfast  under 
the  great  dangers  of  battle. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

rosser's  ride  around  meade's  army 

On  December  the  16th,  1863,  General  Rosser,  in 
command  of  the  Laurel  Brigade,  made  a  raid 
around  the  army  of  General  Meade, — a  raid  that 
created  much  interest  and  excitement,  and  one  that 
presented  a  remarkable  illustration  of  the  daring 
and  endurance  of  the  Confederate  cavalry. 

Leaving  Fredericksburg  with  his  command  of 
three  regiments  and  the  battalion  of  White,  Rosser 
forded  the  Rappahannock  and  moved  by  rapid 
marches  around  the  army  of  Meade,  encamped 
along  the  north  bank  of  the  river  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  old  encampment  of  Burnside.  By  a 
circuitous  route  Rosser  pushed  forward  in  the  di- 
rection of  the  Blue  Ridge  Mountains,  traveling 
over  muddy  and  frozen  roads,  crossing  dangerous 
streams,  and  contesting  every  mile  with  the  forces 
of  the  enemy  that  were  either  opposing  or  follow- 
ing his  march.  For  three  days  his  men  were  kept 
constantly  in  the  saddle,  suffering  for  food  and 
sleep  and  from  the  severity  of  the  weather.  It 
was  not  until  they  reached  Upperville  that  they 
were  able  to  go  into  camp  for  a  night's  rest;  and 

when  they  did  get  there  some  of  the  men  were 

263 


264        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

so  frozen  that  they  had  to  be  lifted  from  their 
saddles,  and  their  horses  were  jaded  and  half 
starved.  After  resting  overnight  Rosser  crossed 
the  mountains  at  Ashby's  Gap  and  then  followed 
the  banks  of  the  Shenandoah  River  until  he 
reached  Front  Royal,  at  dusk  in  the  evening  of 
December  19. 

Within  72  hours  Rosser  had  traveled  from 
Fredericksburg  to  our  village,  covering  a  distance 
of  over  one  hundred  miles  and  only  resting  in 
camp  one  night.  The  weather  was  rainy  and 
cold,  and  both  men  and  horses  suffered  severely. 
When  our  village  was  reached  General  Rosser  and 
his  staff  spent  the  night  in  my  home,  and  I  am 
able  from  this  fact  to  recall  the  facts  connected 
with  the  raid.  I  have  never  seen  men  so  worn 
out  and  dilapidated  in  appearance.  After  a 
hearty  supper  they  went  to  their  rooms  and  slept 
like  dead  men.  The  next  morning  when  Rosser 
and  his  staff  appeared  at  the  breakfast  table  they 
were  much  refreshed  by  sleep  and  gave  an  account 
of  the  experience  of  the  past  four  days  in  the 
saddle. 

I  remember  General  Rosser  as  he  looked  at  that 
time.  He  was  a  man  of  large  stature  and  striking 
appearance, — muscular,  well  built,  and  athletic. 
He  was  then  not  over  26  years  of  age.  He  had 
graduated  at  West  Point  in  April,  1861,  and  im- 
mediately after  graduation  resigned  from  the  Fed- 


ROSSER'S  RIDE  265 

eral  army  and  went  South  to  join  the  Confederate 
forces.  He  was  made  a  lieutenant  of  artillery, 
but  was  soon  transferred  to  the  cavalry  and  made 
colonel  of  the  Fifth  Virginia  Cavalry.  His  dash 
and  daring  soon  brought  him  into  notice  and  he 
was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general  and 
given  the  command  of  the  old  Ashby  Brigade,  now 
called  the  Laurel  Brigade.  As  the  commander 
of  this  brigade  he  made  a  distinguished  record  in 
the  last  years  of  the  war.  The  raid  which  is  here 
referred  to,  and  that  added  largely  to  his  fame, 
was  made  soon  after  he  took  command  of  the 
brigade.  After  resting  overnight  in  our  village 
the  command  moved  south  to  Luray  and  later 
went  into  camp  in  the  upper  Valley  where  forage 
was  provided  for  the  horses. 

My  recollections  of  this  expedition  made  by 
Rosser  are  made  most  impressive  by  one  circum- 
stance which  had  a  peculiar  interest  to  a  boy  of  my 
age.  The  morning  following  the  stay  of  Rosser 
in  my  home  one  of  the  couriers  on  the  staff,  named 
Will  Aisquith,  was  compelled  to  leave  with  us 
the  horse  he  had  ridden,  for  the  reason  that  when 
he  had  taken  the  animal  out  of  the  stable  after 
a  night's  rest  the  poor  beast  was  so  stiff  that  it 
could  scarcely  move.  I  have  never  seen  a  more 
emaciated  and  miserable-looking  horse  than  this 
one,  and  as  Will  Aisquith  had  no  idea  that  the 
animal  would  live  he  gave  her  to  me.     I  took 


266        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

charge  of  her,  fed  her,  and  looked  after  her  com- 
fort until  she  was  able  to  move  about.  After  a 
few  weeks  she  began  to  improve  in  strength  and 
I  was  able  to  ride  her.  During  the  rest  of  the 
winter  she  became  my  constant  companion  and 
the  amount  of  pleasure  I  got  out  of  her  would 
be  difficult  to  tell.  To  a  boy  of  my  age  she  was 
invaluable  at  that  time,  for  good  horses  were  not 
then  to  be  had  and  we  were  glad  to  use  any  old 
plugs  left  by  the  armies. 

When  the  spring  came  I  took  this  mare  to  the 
mountains  where  good  pasturage  was  to  be  had, 
where  she  was  not  exposed  to  capture  by  the  Fed- 
erals, and  where  I  could  make  occasional  visits  to 
see  her.  Before  the  early  summer  came  she  had 
got  as  fat  as  a  seal,  and  had  so  improved  in  ap- 
pearance that  no  one  would  have  recognized  her 
unless  well  acquainted  with  her  in  her  more  pros- 
perous days.  Some  time  during  the  summer  Will 
Aisquith  came  to  our  village  and,  recalling  the  old 
mare  he  had  left  with  me  to  die,  came  to  my  home 
to  inquire  about  her.  When  I  told  him  of  her 
present  condition  and  that  he  could  have  her  if  he 
wanted  her,  he  was  so  happy  at  the  idea,  that 
I  went  at  once  with  him  to  the  mountain,  some 
four  miles  distant,  and  after  chasing  the  mare  for 
some  time  we  caught  her,  and  Aisquith  went  away 
rejoicing.  I  never  heard  of  the  mare  after  she 
was  again  put  in  the  service  of  the  cavalry.     She 


ROSSER'S  RIDE  267 

probably  soon  went  the  way  of  all  horse  flesh. 
She  came  into  my  life  at  a  time  to  add  to  its  en- 
joyment and  robustness  and,  like  other  old  war 
horses  I  owned  as  a  boy,  passed  out  of  my  hands 
to  reenter  service  and  to  die  in  the  cause  of  war. 

In  the  history  of  human  warfare,  where  this 
noble  beast  braves  all  the  dangers  of  battle  and 
bears  all  the  hardship  of  military  service  with 
unselfish  loyalty,  it  will  be  found  that  the  horse 
responds  more  promptly  to  the  calls  of  duty  and 
service  than  any  living  creature.  The  old  war 
horse  has,  therefore,  a  peculiar  interest  to  me  and 
I  love  to  recall  his  heroic  services  and  to  pay  re- 
spect to  his  deeds. 

In  the  War  between  the  States  the  cavalry 
service  in  my  section  was  both  conspicuous  and 
brilliant.  Our  people  are  a  horse-loving  people; 
and  from  the  very  earliest  years  of  childhood  our 
boys  and  girls  are  taught  to  ride,  and  there  are  few 
youths  who  do  not  excel  in  horsemanship,  so  that 
when  the  war  came  many  of  our  best  young  men 
entered  the  cavalry.  Out  of  five  companies  that 
went  from  my  county  into  the  Confederate  army 
three  were  cavalry  and  a  number  were  members  of 
Mosby's  independent  command.  These  men  were 
all  first-class  riders  and  were  mounted  on  the  best 
of  horses.  Three  of  these  cavalry  companies  were 
in  the  Laurel  Brigade;  and  it  is  probable  that  no 
brigade  of  cavalry  in  either  army  measured  up  to 


268        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

the  standard  of  the  Laurel  Brigade  in  all  that 
makes  the  efficient  cavalryman. 

No  Arab  of  the  desert  was  ever  more  devoted 
to  his  steed  than  the  Virgina  cavalryman  was  to 
his  horse.  The  flower  and  chivalry  of  the  Valley 
and  Piedmont  counties  were  enlisted  in  cavalry 
service,  each  man  owning  his  own  horse,  and  each 
horse  being  filled  with  the  pride  and  spirit  of  his 
rider.  No  braver  and  bolder  riders  followed 
Spotswood  and  the  Knights  of  the  Golden  Horse- 
shoe than  followed  Ashby  and  Rosser  in  the  Valley 
campaigns.  No  better  mounts  were  ever  known 
in  war  than  the  horses  ridden  by  these  men. 

Both  before  and  during  the  war  the  Valley 
horse  was  famous  for  his  speed,  endurance,  and 
spirited  life.  These  animals  gave  such  an  advan- 
tage to  the  cavalry  service  that  the  success  of 
Stonewall  Jackson  in  his  Valley  campaign  was 
largely  attributed  to  the  cavalry  of  his  command. 
After  Ashby  and  Jackson  passed  away  the  reputa- 
tion of  the  cavalry  was  kept  up  by  Rosser  and  the 
old  Laurel  Brigade.  These  men  held  out  until  the 
war  closed  and  many  of  them  brought  their  old 
horses  home  to  work  in  the  wagon  and  in  the  plow. 

A  relative  of  mine  owned  one  of  these  old  cav- 
alry horses  after  the  war, — a  horse  that  he  had 
purchased  at  a  sale  by  the  Government  of  army 
horses,  at  Winchester.  This  old  horse  had  been 
in  many  a  cavalry  charge  and  still  had  all  the  fire 


ROSSER'S  RIDE  269 

of  war  in  his  heart,  though  he  had  been  degraded 
to  the  service  of  the  wagon  and  of  the  plow  and 
to  the  quiet  life  of  the  farm.  It  was  one  of  my 
greatest  pleasures  to  ride  this  old  animal ;  for  with 
the  slightest  encouragement  he  would  take  the  bit 
in  his  mouth  and  run  as  fast  as  his  legs  would 
carry  him.  With  all  my  strength  I  was  unable 
to  hold  him  in  until  I  could  bring  him  to  a  long 
hill  and  wind  him.  When  a  cheer  was  made  or 
another  horse  attempted  to  pass  him  he  imagined 
he  was  in  a  charge,  and  away  he  would  go  until 
almost  completely  exhausted.  I  greatly  admired 
and  loved  this  old  fellow.  He  gave  me  many 
happy  hours. 

Our  county,  so  famous  before  the  war  for  its 
high-bred  horses,  still  retains  this  distinction, 
which  has  within  the  last  two  years  been  recog- 
nized by  the  Government  by  the  establishment  of 
a  Remount  Mount  Station  that  promises  to  become 
one  of  the  most  important  horse-breeding  estab- 
lishments in  this  country.  The  landscape,  climate 
and  grass  of  my  old  county  are  especially  adapted 
to  the  growth  and  raising  of  the  highest  class  of 
cavalry  horses,  and  here  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment has  purchased  a  large  body  of  land  and  is 
now  extensively  engaged  in  raising  horses  for 
army  service. 

But — to  return  to  my  story — during  the  winter 
months  our  school  was  conducted  without  inter- 


270        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

ruption.  We  boys  and  girls  had  a  most  pleasant 
time  at  school,  and  after  school  hours  our  home 
life  was  filled  with  profitable  duties.  We  had 
to  do  much  of  the  work  around  our  homes  and  on 
the  farm,  and  when  not  engaged  in  these  duties 
we  had  many  opportunities  for  hunting  and  for 
the  sports  of  the  season,  such  as  skating  and  coast- 
ing, horseback  riding,  and  sleighing;  for  we  had  a 
few  old  army  horses,  somewhat  broken  down  in 
service  but  still  retaining  the  spirit  of  previous 
army  service.  These  horses  had  been  trained  in 
the  cavalry,  and,  because  of  the  practice  of  service 
in  the  charge  and  the  excitement  of  battle  they 
were  fiery  and  mettlesome,  and  would  run  and 
jump,  with  all  the  spirit  of  younger  animals. 
There  was  the  greatest  abundance  of  wild  game, 
such  as  rabbits,  partridges,  wild  turkeys  and 
pheasants.  We  boys  would  set  snares  for  the  rab- 
bits and  with  our  old  army  muskets,  loaded  with 
slugs,  would  hunt  in  the  fields  and  woods  for  the 
larger  game.  In  this  way  we  had  most  pleasant 
experiences,  and  we  seldom  failed  to  bring  home 
the  fruits  of  our  hunting  excursions.  I  became 
quite  an  expert  shot  with  the  musket  and  pistol, 
and  practiced  the  use  of  these  arms  by  shooting 
from  the  back  of  the  horse  which  had  been  trained 
to  stand  under  fire.  A  number  of  the  boys  had 
these  old  army  horses  and  we  had  amusing  ex- 
periences with  them,  the  most  exciting  of  which 


ROSSER'S  RIDE  271 

was  running  to  the  mountains  when  the  report 
came  that  the  Federals  were  going  to  raid  the  vil- 
lage. It  was  only  in  this  way  we  could  keep  pos- 
session of  our  horses.  There  was  usually  some 
announcement  given  of  the  coming  of  these  raiding 
parties, — often  false  alarms, — but  we  would 
mount  our  old  horses  and  run  to  the  mountains 
and  refugee  for  one  or  more  days  until  all  fear 
of  the  enemy  had  quieted  down.  The  Blue  Ridge 
Mountains  and  their  foothills  were  close  to  our 
village,  and  into  these  mountains  the  enemy 
seldom  went.  Much  of  this  mountain  land  was 
in  grass,  and  during  the  war  a  great  deal  of  it  was 
kept  under  cultivation,  corn,  wheat,  rye  and  oats 
being  raised.  But  for  this  circumstance  we  would 
have  suffered  much  more  for  necessary  food.  All 
the  farm  lands  in  the  valley  and  along  the  roads 
were  without  fencing  and  what  crops  the  farmers 
could  grow  were  taken  or  destroyed  by  the  armies 
that  passed  through. 

During  the  winter  of  1863  our  farmers  were 
able  to  gather  the  crops  they  raised,  and  we  did 
not  suffer  greatly  for  food  supplies.  The  great- 
est difficulty  we  had  was  in  getting  labor  to  cul- 
tivate the  land  and  gather  the  grain.  We  still 
had  a  number  of  faithful  negroes  and  they,  with 
the  aid  of  the  old  men  and  boys,  did  the  work  of 
the  farm,  while  our  women  and  girls  did  the  work 
of  the  home.     To  tell  the  truth,  we  boys  and  girls 


272        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

enjoyed  doing  the  work,  for  there  was  an  excite- 
ment and  interest  in  it  that  more  than  compen- 
sated for  the  drudgery  of  labor.  We  were  being 
taught  lessons  of  self-sacrifice  and  of  hardship  that 
were  valuable  in  building  up  our  characters 
and  habits.  While  we  children  were  growing  up 
under  these  severe  conditions  of  life,  our  older 
people  were  even  greater  sufferers  by  the  acts 
of  war.  Their  property,  the  fruits  of  early  in- 
dustry, was  being  swept  away;  their  nearest  of 
kin  were  in  the  army,  exposed  to  the  casualties 
of  war,  and  almost  every  family  was  in  mourn- 
ing for  the  death  of  some  near  relative  who  had 
lost  his  life  in  service,  and  as  the  war  progressed 
it  became  more  and  more  apparent  to  our  older 
citizens  that  the  results  of  the  conflict  were  be- 
coming more  and  more  uncertain. 

Christmas  Day,  1863,  I  shall  always  remember. 
The  boys  at  home  on  furlough  decided  to  give 
our  people  an  illustration  of  a  sham  battle.  All 
who  had  horses  entered  into  the  engagement.  The 
men  were  divided,  and  one  party  was  to  be  that 
of  attack,  and  the  other  party  on  the  defense. 
The  pistols  were  loaded  with  blank  cartridges,  and 
everything  was  done  to  make  the  fight  as  realistic 
as  possible. 

One  party  took  a  position  at  the  north  end  of 
the  village.  The  attacking  party  made  an  as- 
sault on  this  position  and  when  it  was  repulsed 


ROSSER'S  RIDE  273 

it  was  driven  through  the  main  street  as  fast  as 
the  horses  could  carry  them,  both  sides  firing  their 
pistols  and  going  through  the  fight  as  if  it  were 
an  actual  battle.  There  was  an  advance  and  then 
a  retreat,  charge  and  countercharge,  until  one 
party  completely  routed  the  other.  When  these 
men  had  finished  with  their  sham  battle  they  pre- 
sented an  appearance  that  I  am  scarcely  able  to 
describe.  There  had  been  a  slight  snow  on  the 
ground  and  the  streets  were  full  of  slush  and 
mud.  As  the  horses  ran  over  the  streets  they 
threw  the  snow  and  mud  in  the  faces  of  each 
other  and  all  were  literally  covered  with  mud. 
Both  horses  and  men  were  in  the  dirtiest  condi- 
tion possible  and  presented  a  most  horrible  plight. 
If  this  is  war,  I  thought,  may  Heaven  spare  me 
such  an  experience !  Yet  this  was  actual  war 
without  its  carnage.  As  no  one  was  hurt  and  the 
mud  could  be  removed,  no  serious  harm  came  of 
it. 

I  remember  that  I  hung  up  my  stocking  on 
Christmas  Eve  and  when  I  opened  it  the  following 
morning  I  found  in  it  some  cakes,  apples,  walnuts, 
and  doughnuts,  but  no  candy,  toys,  and  the  things 
that  boys  usually  get  in  times  of  peace  from  Santa 
Claus.  I  thought  the  old  man  must  have  put  me 
on  a  war  diet.  But  I  was  just  as  happy,  for  my 
wants  were  simple  in  those  days. 

We  saw  no  candy  during  the  last  two  years  of 


274        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

the  war  and  had  no  toys,  but  I  had  a  pair  of  old 
skates  and  several  old  muskets  and  pistols  that 
gave  me  all  the  amusement  I  wanted.  I  made 
my  own  wagons  and  sleighs  and  coasted  the  hills 
on  a  plank,  which  is  just  as  good  as  the  best  sled; 
and  he  who  thinks  that  the  simple  life  is  not 
worth  living,  let  him  live  as  I  spent  my  boyhood 
days  during  the  war,  and  he  will  learn  what 
pleasure  the  simple  things  of  life  can  give.  For 
if  I  did  not  have  fun  and  sport,  I  do  not  know 
what  such  things  are.  If  I  did  not  have  the  re- 
finements, as  we  know  them  now,  I  had  a  train- 
ing in  manly  and  strenuous  ways  that  give  a  boy 
an  endurance  which  the  hardships  of  the  times 
could  not  break  down.  I  grew  very  fast  in  stature 
and  took  so  much  physical  exercise  that  I  was  very 
strong  for  one  of  my  age  and  enjoyed  the  robust 
health  which  has  carried  me  through  life  with  no 
loss  of  time  from  sickness  since  I  was  a  boy  13 
years  of  age.  I  was  not  the  exception,  for  some 
of  my  boyhood  companions  still  live  in  excellent 
health.  It  is  not  my  wish  to  make  this  story  too 
personal,  but  I  hope  that  it  may  some  day  fall  into 
the  hands  of  some  of  the  boys  of  the  present  gen- 
eration and  that  it  will  give  them  some  idea  of 
the  benefit  of  experiences  that  should  come  into 
the  life  of  a  boy. 


CHAPTER    XXIV 

THE   MILITARY  OPERATIONS  OF    1864 

In  the  spring  of  1864  the  two  armies, — one  under 
Grant  and  the  other  under  Lee, — were  facing 
each  other  on  the  banks  of  the  Rappahannock. 
General  Grant  had  been  placed  in  command  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  with  a  force  of  150,000 
men.  He  had  won  success  in  the  West  and  was 
now  looked  upon  as  the  Moses  who  would  lead 
the  Federal  army  to  final  victory,  having  strength 
in  numbers  and  every  equipment  to  walk  over  the 
depleted  ranks  of  Lee.  But  he  soon  found  that 
he  had  an  adversary  to  deal  with  that  would  try 
his  mettle.  Opposing  this  large  force  General 
Lee  had  an  army  of  less  than  70,000  men, — 
poorly  clad  and  badly  fed,  but  seasoned  veterans, 
who  still  had  the  spirit  of  do  and  die.  They  were 
the  remnants  of  the  old  guard  and  the  last  re- 
sources the  Confederacy  had  to  depend  on  to  pro- 
tect Richmond. 

The  capital  was  still  the  objective  point  of  at- 
tack and  defense.  The  order  from  the  head  of 
each  government  was,  "Hold  Richmond,"  or 
"Take  Richmond," — "or  die."  Nothing  would 
satisfy  the  sentiment  at  the  North  but  the  capture 

275 


276        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

of  the  capital  of  the  Confederacy,  and  nothing  was 
considered  so  important  to  the  South  as  to  hold  on 
to  its  capital.  Thousands  of  lives  were  sacrificed 
for  this  purpose.  It  has  been  stated  somewhere 
that  General  Grant  told  Mr.  Lincoln  that  it  would 
require  150,000  lives  to  take  Richmond  and  that 
the  President  replied  that  he  should  have  them. 
No  matter  how  great  the  cost  in  blood,  Richmond 
must  be  taken. 

Early  in  May  General  Grant  crossed  the  Rap- 
pahannock and  began  his  campaign  of  advance. 
He  soon  found  Lee  in  his  front,  and  he  also  found 
that  he  had  a  stubborn  opponent  to  contend  with. 

The  two  armies  first  came  together  in  the  Wild- 
erness. The  Wilderness  was  a  dense  forest  of 
undergrowth,  of  pine,  and  of  scrubby  oak,  al- 
most uninhabited  by  man,  and  covering  a  large 
area  of  land  in  Spottsylvania  County.  It  was 
through  this  country  that  Grant  made  his  ad- 
vance. When  his  men  were  well  in  the  Wilder- 
ness they  ran  up  against  the  forces  under  Lee, 
and  the  battle  was  fought.  In  this  jungle  the 
Federal  troops  became  confused  and  mixed  and 
the  loss  was  very  heavy,  many  of  the  wounded, 
who  could  not  be  removed,  being  burned  to  death 
by  a  fire  that  spread  through  the  dense  forest  after 
the  battle. 

Failing  to  break  the  Confederate  ranks,  Grant 
moved  his  army  by  its  left  flank  and  tried  to  turn 


MILITARY  OPERATIONS  OF  1864     277 

the  Confederate  right.  At  every  point  he  was 
met  and  held  in  check  by  Lee, — each  army  mov- 
ing in  parallel  lines  and  facing  each  other,  the 
Confederates  remaining  on  the  defensive,  the 
Federals  making  the  assault.  From  the  Rappa- 
hannock to  the  James  this  attack  and  defense  was 
kept  up;  and  when  Grant  reached  the  James  he 
had  lost  more  men  than  Lee  had  in  his  entire 
army. 

At  the  second  battle  of  Cold  Harbor  Grant 
poured  his  columns  against  the  lines  of  Lee  in 
such  masses  that  it  has  been  claimed  that  some 
twenty  thousand  men  were  left  dead  and  wounded 
on  the  field.  Cold  Harbor  was  one  of  the  bloodi- 
est battles  of  the  war.  Lee  held  his  unbroken 
lines  and  repulsed  the  enemy  at  every  point. 

The  Confederate  losses  were  heavy  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  they  could  not  be  replaced,  while 
Grant  was  able  to  fill  his  ranks  with  men  as  fast 
as  they  were  cut  down.  Grant  understood  that 
every  man  he  killed  in  the  Confederate  ranks  was 
depleting  the  army  to  that  extent  and  that  the 
only  way  to  win  out  was  by  a  gradual  destruction 
of  Lee's  army.  When  the  lines  of  defense  were 
extended  to  the  front  of  Petersburg  the  Confed- 
erate forces  had  been  greatly  reduced  and  it  was 
only  a  question  of  time  when  these  forces  would 
be  exhausted. 

While  Grant  and  Lee  were  fighting  in  eastern 


278        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

Virginia  our  section  was  comparatively  quiet.  In 
the  spring  a  Federal  force  advanced  as  far  up  the 
Valley  as  New  Market  and  the  battle  there  tem- 
porarily arrested  its  progress;  but  later  a  force 
under  Hunter  pushed  on  to  Staunton  and  Lexing- 
ton and  reached  Salem  where  it  was  met  and 
driven  back  through  southwestern  Virginia. 

Hunter  destroyed  everything  in  his  path  and 
left  sections  of  the  Valley  along  his  route  as  bare 
as  a  desert.  He  burned  the  barracks  of  the  Vir- 
ginia Military  Institute  at  Lexington,  in  retalia- 
tion for  the  service  the  corps  of  cadets  had  ren- 
dered in  the  battle  of  New  Market. 

During  the  early  summer  a  command  under 
General  Early  came  to  the  Valley  and  began 
operations  in  the  counties  of  Warren,  Clarke, 
Frederick,  and  Jefferson.  Early  crossed  the  Poto- 
mac and  invaded  Maryland,  carrying  his  opera- 
tions as  far  east  as  the  suburbs  of  Washington, 
where  he  found  the  enemy  so  entrenched  behind 
fortifications  that  he  had  to  retire  his  forces  to 
the  south  bank  of  the  Potomac. 

On  the  9th  of  August  a  brisk  engagement  took 
place  two  miles  north  of  our  village  between  a 
large  body  of  Federal  cavalr)^  and  a  force  of  in- 
fantry commanded  by  General  Anderson.  The 
Confederates  held  their  position,  and  later  they 
advanced  as  far  north  as  Winchester.  Early 
held  Winchester  until  the  latter  part  of  Septem- 


MILITARY  OPERATIONS  OF  1864     279 

ber,  when  a  large  Federal  force  made  an  attack  on 
his  command,  and  the  battle  of  Winchester  was 
fought.  Early  was  forced  to  withdraw  to  the 
neighborhood  of  Strasburg  and  Woodstock.  A 
large  force  of  cavalry  under  Generals  Torbert  and 
Custer  drove  back  a  brigade  of  Confederate  cav- 
alry, commanded  by  General  Wickham,  which 
had  taken  positions  at  the  fords  of  the  Shenan- 
doah River  in  my  county.  Wickham  was  greatly 
outnumbered  and  was  forced  to  retreat  to  a  posi- 
tion higher  up  in  the  Page  Valley,  to  a  place 
known  as  Millford. 

It  was  before  daybreak  on  the  morning  of 
September  2 1st  that  we  were  aroused  by  a  heavy 
firing  at  the  river  about  two  miles  from  my  home. 
My  father  jumped  out  of  bed  and,  judging  by 
the  firing  that  the  Confederates  were  being  driven 
back,  hastily  determined  to  leave  home  and 
refugee,  as  it  was  currently  reported  that  the  Fed- 
erals were  arresting  and  sending  to  prison  the  old 
men  and  the  boys  that  lived  within  the  Confeder- 
ate lines.  In  fact,  they  had  already  done  so  in 
the  northern  section  of  our  county. 

We  had  had  no  Federal  troops  in  our  village 
for  months  and  we  looked  upon  their  return  with 
great  apprehension  and  alarm,  for  we  knew  that 
the  Federal  army  was  destroying  property  and 
robbing  our  people  wherever  it  went.  My  father 
thought    it    best    for    me    to    go    with    him.     I 


280        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

had  grown  very  fast  during  the  year,  and  though 
only  15  years  old,  I  was  large  for  my  age.  We 
hastily  dressed,  and  taking  some  extra  clothing 
with  us,  started  for  the  nearest  mountain,  leaving 
my  mother  and  the  family  to  the  care  of  our  old 
negroes.  When  we  left  the  house  the  whole  earth 
was  covered  with  a  dense  fog,  through  which  we 
cculd  not  see  ten  feet  from  us.  We  walked  very 
fast,  and  when  we  reached  a  farmhouse  about  half- 
way up  the  mountain  the  fog  had  lifted,  and  we 
could  see  the  valley  below  filled  with  Federal 
cavalry  running  over  the  fields  and  marching  along 
the  roads.  We  tarried  at  the  house  only  long 
enough  to  get  a  bite  of  food, — for  we  found  the 
family  at  breakfast, — then  we  hurried  on;  and 
when  we  had  reached  a  high  plateau  we  saw  a 
squad  of  Federal  cavalry  climbing  the  mountain 
after  us,  less  than  a  half-mile  distant.  We  ran 
across  several  citizens,  who  were  refugeeing  with 
us,  and  several  Confederate  cavalrymen,  who  were 
making  for  the  mountains.  These  men  fired  at 
the  Federals  and  they  came  no  nearer  to  us.  We 
went  a  mile  beyond,  to  the  highest  point  of  the 
mountain,  where  we  had  a  wide  view  of  the  en- 
tire country  about  and  where  we  felt  safe.  Tak- 
ing a  position  under  the  shade  of  a  large  walnut 
tree, — that  stood  in  an  open  field  on  the  side  of 
the  ridge  and  gave  us  a  beautiful  outlook, — we 
saw  the  Confederate  cavalry  drawn  up  in  line  of 


MILITARY  OPERATIONS  OF  1864     281 

battle  on  a  high  hill  some  two  miles  below  us, 
while  the  Federal  cavalry  had  come  up  and  was 
on  a  hill  one  mile  distant.  Federal  pickets  had 
been  thrown  out  and  were  riding  here  and  there 
through  the  fields.  After  the  Confederates  had 
taken  a  strong  position  on  the  hill  the  Federals 
were  for  a  time  undecided  what  to  do. 

About  noon  a  regiment  formed  in  the  road  and 
made  a  charge  on  the  Confederate  pickets  and 
drove  them  in,  but  when  they  came  to  the  reserve 
force  on  the  hill  they  were  driven  back  in  the 
greatest  disorder,  only  to  rally  and  make  a  second 
attempt,  with  the  same  result.  They  then  with- 
drew and  remained  quiet  until  late  in  the  after- 
noon. We  could  see  these  movements  very 
distinctly,  and  it  was  a  very  spectacular  affair  to 
look  down  on  men  riding,  charging,  and  firing 
their  carbines  and  pistols.  I  remember  how  we 
could  see  the  smoke  from  the  gun  long  before  the 
report  reached  us.  The  crowd  under  the  walnut 
tree  had  grown  while  we  were  resting  under  its 
shade.  All  but  two  were  citizens ;  these  two  were 
cavalrymen,  who  had  joined  us. 

While  we  were  looking  on  and  watching  the 
different  movements  of  the  men  far  below  us  an 
amusing  incident  happened, — an  incident  that  for 
a  few  moments  gave  us  a  great  fright.  One  of 
our  companions  was  a  gentleman  who  lived  on  the 
mountain  near  by.     He  was  mounted  and  had  a 


282        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

large  field  glass.  In  order  to  get  a  better  view 
he  climbed  up  into  the  top  of  the  walnut  tree, 
where  he  was  intently  engaged  in  taking  observa- 
tions, while  his  horse  was  browsing  on  the  grass 
in  the  field.  The  two  cavalrymen  who  were 
with  us  rode  across  the  top  of  the  ridge  out  of 
sight,  and  as  they  were  riding  through  the  field,  a 
fox  ran  out  from  under  the  bushes  in  front  of 
them.  Without  thinking  of  any  result,  they  drew 
their  pistols  and  fired  some  half-dozen  times  in 
rapid  succession.  Some  one  in  the  crowd  cried 
out,  "The  Yankees  are  coming,"  and  at  once  the 
crowd  broke,  and  we  ran  for  the  woods  as  fast  as 
we  could  go.  My  father  and  I  ran  down  the 
mountain-side  a  hundred  yards  until  we  had 
reached  the  woods,  when  we  stopped  to  look 
around,  and  seeing  no  soldiers  in  sight  began  to 
retrace  our  steps  back  to  the  tree.  Some  one  had 
run  across  the  ridge  and  discovered  the  cause  of 
the  pistol  firing. 

The  gentleman  in  the  tree  had  climbed  down  as 
fast  as  a  boy  could  do,  and  hastily  catching  his 
horse,  had  mounted  and  started  to  ride  away. 
When  he  discovered  that  the  firing  was  done  by 
the  two  cavalrymen  at  a  fox  he  was  very  indig- 
nant and  pronounced  it  a  most  imprudent  act,  as 
it  directed  the  attention  of  the  Federals  to  our 
position.  As  the  Federal  troops  were  over  a  mile 
distant,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  there  was  not 


MILITARY  OPERATIONS  OF  1864     283 

much  danger  from  them;  but  he  had  concluded 
that  a  body  of  cavalry  had  followed  us  up  the 
mountain  and  had  discovered  our  hiding  place. 
When  we  found  it  all  a  false  alarm  we  laughed 
over  the  panic  it  had  made  and  considered  it  a 
good  joke  on  us.  The  gentleman  who  had  nearly 
broken  his  neck  getting  down  from  the  top  of  the 
tree  could  not  see  the  joke  as  it  was  too  practical 
an  affair  from  his  point  of  view.  I  have  often 
laughed  over  the  incident,  for  it  was  a  very 
humorous  performance.  My  father  often  during 
his  lifetime  referred  to  the  experience  and  it 
amused  him  very  much  when  he  recalled  how  he 
had  run  down  the  mountain  all  the  time  calling 
to  me  to  take  care  of  myself  and  not  get  caught. 

After  the  affair  had  quieted  down  we  all  again 
took  our  seats  under  the  walnut  tree  and  watched 
the  movements  in  the  valley  below.  About  dusk 
the  Federals  ran  up  a  battery  of  artillery  on  a 
high  hill  and  began  to  fire  at  the  position  of  the 
Confederates  on  a  hill,  over  a  mile  distant,  where- 
upon the  Confederates  brought  out  their  artillery 
and  returned  the  fire.  For  over  an  hour  an  ar- 
tillery duel  was  kept  up  and  from  the  position 
where  we  were  located  we  could  easily  see  the 
discharge  of  the  guns,  could  trace  the  course  of  the 
shells,  and  then  hear  the  report  from  the  guns  and 
from  the  explosion  of  the  shells.  The  duel  con- 
tinued until  after  dark,  and  the  passage  of  the 


284        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

shells  through  the  air  could  be  followed  by  the 
streaks  of  fire  that  were  thrown  off.  The  effect 
was  exciting  and  unusual  and  could  not  have  been 
excelled,  if  we  had  had  the  privilege  of  ordering 
such  an  exhibition.  We  were  so  far  above  the 
valley  that  every  discharge  could  be  seen,  and 
every  report  could  be  heard  long  after  the  flash 
from  the  cannon's  mouth  was  noticed. 

After  the  artillery  duel  had  ceased  we  went 
to  a  near-by  farmhouse  and  got  our  suppers.  As 
I  had  had  nothing  to  eat  since  early  in  the  morn- 
ing, except  some  apples  from  an  old  tree  on  the 
mountain,  I  was  as  hungry  as  a  wolf.  My  father, 
the  gentleman  who  had  climbed  the  walnut  tree, 
and  I  then  went  back  to  the  top  of  the  mountain 
and  slept  all  night  in  a  small  house, — occupied 
by  a  family, — that  had  only  two  bedrooms.  We 
threw  ourselves  across  a  bed,  with  our  clothes  on, 
and  slept  soundly  until  daylight,  when  we  again 
returned  to  the  walnut  tree  to  see  what  was  going 
on  in  the  valley  below. 

The  Confederates  had  fallen  back  during  the 
night,  and  the  Federal  cavalry  had  broken  camp, 
so  that  all  we  could  see  was  a  dense  cloud  of  dust 
in  the  road;  this  cloud  was  made  by  the  army, 
which  at  this  early  hour  was  marching  in  pursuit 
of  the  retreating  Confederates.  The  Confed- 
erates took  a  strong  position  at  a  place  six  miles 
south,  where  they  were  able  to  protect  their  flanks, 


MILITARY  OPERATIONS  OF  1864    285 

and  held  this  position  until  the  Federals  returned 
North  a  week  later. 

We  returned  home  that  afternoon  after  my  only 
experience  as  a  refugee.  On  the  following  Sun- 
day morning  a  note  was  sent  to  my  father  from 
an  old  gentleman,  who  lived  on  a  farm  about  one 
mile  from  my  home.  The  note  had  been  written 
to  this  gentleman  by  an  officer  in  the  command 
that  we  had  seen  from  the  mountain,  General 
Wickham.  The  note  stated  that  in  the  fight  at 
the  river  a  few  days  before  a  private  and  a  cap- 
tain of  the  Second  Virginia  Cavalry  had  been 
killed,  that  the  bodies  had  been  dropped  in  a 
strip  of  woods  on  his  place,  and  that  they  had 
been  so  closely  pressed  that  they  were  unable  to 
bury  them.  It  requested  him  to  have  these  bodies 
properly  interred. 

When  my  father  learned  the  facts  he  had  Uncle 
Lewis,  Billy,  and  several  negroes  on  the  place 
make  two  neat  pine  coffins,  which  we  took  on 
wheelbarrows  to  the  place  where  the  men  had  been 
dropped. 

In  a  strip  of  small  pines  by  the  side  of  a  road, 
which  had  been  made  by  the  army,  we  found 
the  grave  of  these  two  Confederates.  When  the 
Federals  came  along  this  road,  following  the  re- 
treat of  the  Confederates,  they  had  found  these 
bodies  and  buried  them  in  shallow  graves,  without 
coffins.     A  fence  rail  had  been  smoothed  at  one 


286        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

end  and  on  this  was  written,  "Confederate  cap- 
tain and  private  killed  September  2 1st.  Names 
unknown." 

The  fence  rail  had  been  broken  in  half  and  one 
end  had  been  driven  in  the  ground  at  the  head  of 
the  grave.  The  negroes  opened  the  grave  and  re- 
moved the  two  bodies,  which  had  been  so  drained 
of  blood  by  the  wounds  they  had  received 
that  they  showed  no  signs  of  decomposition. 
The  dead  men  were  then  washed  and  cleaned  as 
much  as  was  possible,  and  each  body  was  placed 
in  a  coffin.  The  grave  was  enlarged  and  deep- 
ened and  the  men  were  then  covered  with  earth 
in  this  quiet  place  by  the  good  negroes  who  then 
built  a  rail  fence  around  the  graves. 

I  remember  the  looks  of  these  dead  men  per- 
fectly well.  The  captain  was  named  J.  Lasley. 
He  was  about  30  years  of  age,  small  in  stature, 
with  raven  black  hair  and  beard.  A  bullet  had 
entered  his  forehead  but  had  not  made  its  exit. 
He  must  have  died  immediately.  The  private 
was  named  Hugh  Garth, — a  boy  not  over  19 
years  old.  He  had  a  very  fair  complexion, 
auburn  hair,  and  was  heavily  built.  He  had  been 
shot  through  the  heart.  We  marked  their  graves 
as  carefully  as  we  could  and  for  several  years  I 
kept  watch  over  the  place  where  they  lay.  In  the 
fall  of  1867,  when  a  new  cemetery  was  opened 
for  the  Confederate  dead  who  had  been  buried  in 


MILITARY  OPERATIONS  OF  1864     287 

our  county,  I  helped  to  remove  the  bones  of  these 
two  men  to  the  spot  where  they  now  sleep  with 
their  comrades  who  perished  in  the  same  cause 
to  which  they  gave  their  lives.  I  never  visit  the 
cemetery  without  going  to  see  these  graves  and 
those  of  others,  whom  I  so  well  remember,  who 
died  during  the  war. 


CHAPTER  XXV 

MOSBY    AND    HIS    MEN 

The  Federal  cavalry  and  the  Confederate  had 
faced  each  other  for  some  days  at  Millford,  12 
miles  south  of  our  village.  At  length  it  became 
necessary  for  the  Federals  to  send  a  large  wagon 
train  back  to  Winchester  to  get  food  for  the  horses 
and  men.  The  country  in  which  they  were 
operating  was  a  very  poor  one  and  the  army  could 
gather  no  supplies  from  the  territory.  Colonel 
Mosby, — who  commanded  a  battalion  of  cavalry 
that  operated  as  an  independent  command, — had 
learned  of  this  situation  and  had  arranged  to 
attack  this  wagon  train  on  its  return  north. 

Mosby  had  about  three  hundred  men  in  his 
battalion,  which  were  divided  into  three  or  four 
companies  that  operated  as  a  whole  or  a  part,  as 
circumstances  required.  This  command  had  no 
given  place  for  an  encampment,  but  the  men  dis- 
banded and  stayed  at  different  places  in  the  moun- 
tains or  safe  retreats,  and  only  assembled  when 
called  together  for  a  raid.  They  operated  in  the 
northern  counties  of  Virginia  and  by  their  activity 
kept  a  large  body  of  Federal  troops  watching  their 

lines  of  communication  and  guarding  their  stores. 

288 


MOSBY  AND  HIS  MEN  289 

It  has  been  claimed  that  Mosby  with  his  three 
hundred  men  kept  as  many  as  20,000  Federal 
troops  on  the  lookout.  He  would  pounce  down 
on  them  at  any  unexpected  time  and  destroy  the 
railroads  or  capture  supplies  at  unguarded  points. 
Mosby  and  his  men  were  a  terror  to  the  Federal 
troops  and  they  called  him  a  bandit  and  a  guerilla, 
although  he  had  a  regular  commission  in  the  Con- 
federate army  and  his  men  were  regularly  en- 
listed. These  men  were  all  well  mounted  on  cap- 
tured horses  and  armed  with  captured  weapons. 
They  were  a  brave  and  daring  band  and  made 
trouble  at  all  times,  rendering  valuable  service 
to  our  citizens  by  preventing  small  bodies  of 
Federal  cavalry  from  raiding  and  pillaging  the 
people  who  lived  away  from  the  main  lines  of 
travel.  The  Federal  army  wagons  had  to  be  well 
guarded  in  traveling  through  the  country,  and 
Mosby  often  attacked  these  wagon  trains  and 
made  valuable  captures. 

He  was  here  to-day  and  many  miles  away  to- 
morrow, and  though  Federals  set  many  traps  for 
him,  he  usually  escaped  them  and  inflicted  heavy 
damages  in  return.  The  operations  of  Mosby's 
command  have  gone  down  in  history,  and  it  is  not 
necessary  for  me  to  repeat  his  many  exploits.  I 
wish  to  refer  to  only  one  incident  that  came  under 
my  personal  observation, — an  incident  that  illus- 
trates his  methods  of  work. 


290        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

The  wagon  train  that  General  Custer  had  deter- 
mined to  send  back  from  Millford  to  Winchester 
was  presumed  to  have  a  small  body-guard,  and  it 
was  this  train  that  Mosby  had  arranged  to  attack 
in  a  narrow  road  some  two  miles  south  of  our  vil- 
lage. Mosby  divided  his  command  into  two 
companies,  with  about  150  men  in  each  company. 
It  was  arranged  that  one  company  would  fall  on 
the  rear  of  the  train  when  it  passed  a  given  point 
and  that  the  other  would  make  the  attack  in  front 
when  the  train  reached  a  certain  place.  Mosby 
expected  to  catch  the  wagon  train  in  a  narrow 
passage,  walled  in  on  one  side  by  the  river  and 
on  the  other  by  a  high  bluff.  In  this  gorge  there 
was  no  way  to  spread,  and  the  Federals  would 
be  held  as  in  a  vise. 

When  the  column  of  Federal  cavalry  with  its 
wagons  came  down  the  road  from  Millford,  and 
before  it  entered  the  gorge  in  the  road,  the  com- 
mand, which  Mosby  had  sent  to  make  the  attack 
on  the  rear  of  the  train,  discovered  that  the  train 
was  guarded  by  the  entire  Federal  cavalry,  which 
was  in  retreat  from  Millford.  The  officer  in 
command  of  the  men  that  were  to  attack  the 
rear  sent  a  courier  to  notify  the  commander  of 
the  men  that  were  to  attack  in  front  to  withdraw 
his  forces,  as  the  Federal  army  was  too  strong  for 
an  attack.  In  some  way  the  courier  failed  to  de- 
liver the  message  in  time;  and  when  the  Federal 


MOSBY  AND  HIS  MEN  291 

advance  came  in  sight  the  order  for  the  attack 
was  given. 

The  road  going  south  in  front  of  my  home 
crosses  a  hill  about  three  hundred  yards  away 
and  then  descends  along  a  deep  ravine  to  the 
river.  The  road  is  hemmed  in  by  this  ravine  on 
the  east  side  and  by  a  high,  wooded  hill  on  the 
west  side,  so  there  is  no  room  for  expansion. 

In  the  early  afternoon  I  was  playing  in  our 
front  yard  when  I  saw  a  company  of  Confederate 
cavalry  gallop  across  a  field  at  right  angles  to  the 
road,  and  I  heard  the  officer  in  command  give  the 
order,  "Wheel  to  the  left.  Charge!"  As  he 
gave  the  command  the  men  in  front  turned  into 
the  road  and  charged  over  the  hill.  They  had 
scarcely  disappeared  from  sight  when  the  air  was 
filled  with  the  reports  of  firearms. 

I  rushed  back  to  the  house  to  tell  my  mother 
what  I  had  seen;  but  before  I  could  enter  the 
house  I  saw  an  ambulance  coming  down  the  road 
as  fast  as  the  horses  could  carry  it.  In  a  second 
I  saw  a  horse  running  with  the  saddle  turned  and 
the  saber  striking  the  ground.  The  horse  was 
trying  to  get  out  of  the  way  of  the  saber.  In 
less  time  than  I  can  tell  the  story  men  were 
running  in  every  direction  and  the  whole  earth 
seemed  to  be  swarming  with  Federal  cavalry. 
They  came  up  like  a  flock  of  birds  when  a  stone 
is  cast  into  it, 


292        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

It  was  apparent  at  once  what  all  this  meant. 
Mosby's  men  had  run  into  the  wagon  train,  which 
was  guarded  by  a  large  force  of  cavalry,  and 
had  fallen  into  such  close  quarters  that  the  com- 
mand had  run  in  every  direction  to  escape  cap- 
ture. It  was  stated  afterward  that  the  Federal 
commander  had  gotten  information  of  this  attack 
and  had  arranged  to  trap  Mosby.  He  had  placed 
the  wagon  train  in  the  advance,  with  a  very  small 
guard,  but  had  a  large  force  following,  which  was 
to  come  to  the  relief  of  the  train  when  the  at- 
tack was  made.  The  front  wagon  in  the  train 
was  an  ambulance,  and  in  this  ambulance  was  a 
sick  officer.  The  men  in  the  charge  fired  into 
the  ambulance, — which  was  the  one  I  saw  com- 
ing down  the  road  at  such  speed, — and  unfor- 
tunately killed  the  officer. 

In  the  charge  down  the  narrow  road  Mosby's 
men  became  wedged  in  between  the  wagons  and 
the  ravine  on  one  side  and  embankment  on  the 
other,  so  that  it  was  almost  impossible  for  them 
to  extricate  themselves.  They  broke  in  disorder 
and  every  man  had  to  look  out  for  himself. 

One  of  Mosby's  men  had  his  horse  killed  in 
the  beginning  of  the  charge.  Anderson, — that 
was  his  name, — ran  back  on  foot,  but  was  cap- 
tured before  he  could  find  a  hiding  place.  Five 
more  were  captured  at  different  places. 

As  soon  as  the  rout  was  over  the  Federals  took 


MOSBY  AND  HIS  MEN  293 

these  prisoners  and,  without  trial,  had  them  shot. 
Two  young  men,  Love  and  Jones,  were  shot  in 
a  lot  back  of  a  church  in  our  village;  Anderson 
was  shot  under  a  large  elm-tree  about  a  half-mile 
south  of  the  village;  a  boy  by  the  name  of 
Rhodes  was  captured  and  brought  through  the 
village  between  two  cavalrymen  and  taken  a  half- 
mile  north  and  shot  under  a  walnut  tree.  This 
boy  had  been  a  schoolmate  of  mine,  and  was  only 
17  years  of  age.  He  had  not  been  in  the  army, 
and  that  morning  he  borrowed  an  old  horse  from 
one  of  our  citizens  to  join  in  this  raid  so  that  he 
might  capture  a  horse  to  enable  him  to  become 
a  member  of  Mosby's  command.  The  old  horse 
broke  down  in  the  retreat,  and  Rhodes  was  taken 
prisoner.  I  doubt  whether  he  fired  a  gun.  As 
he  was  led  through  the  village  he  passed  the  door 
of  the  house  where  lived  his  widowed  mother  and 
single  sister;  but  he  was  not  permitted  to  stop 
and  say  good-by  to  them.  His  dead  body  was 
left  on  the  ground  where  he  was  shot,  and  was 
afterwards  brought  to  his  home  by  some  of  the 
citizens. 

Two  men,  Ogelvie  and  Carter,  were  taken  a 
mile  north  and  hung  on  a  walnut  tree.  Rope 
being  attached  to  a  limb  and  the  noose  placed 
around  their  necks,  they  were  made  to  stand  up 
on  their  horses'  backs,  then  the  horses  were 
removed  from  under  them.     They  were  left  hang- 


294        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

ing  to  the  tree  all  night,  as  our  citizens  were  afraid 
to  go  near  them  and  cut  them  down.  On  one 
of  the  bodies  a  note  was  attached,  saying,  "Hung 
in  retaliation  for  the  death  of  a  Federal  major, 
killed  in  an  ambulance  this  afternoon." 

The  following  morning,  September  24th,  sev- 
eral of  Mosby's  men  rode  into  the  village  and 
then  went  out  to  the  place  where  their  comrades 
were  still  hanging.  They  cut  them  down  and 
brought  their  bodies  into  the  village  on  their 
horses,  a  body  being  thrown  across  the  saddle  in 
front  of  each  rider.  The  sight  was  the  most 
ghastly  incident  our  citizens  had  ever  witnessed. 

The  Federal  cavalry  did  not  go  into  camp  that 
night  at  the  village  but  hurried  on  to  Winchester. 
They  were  greatly  exasperated  and  it  was  for- 
tunate that  they  were  hurried  on.  Our  people 
were  thrown  into  the  deepest  distress  by  this  ex- 
perience, and  it  was  made  more  so  because  of  the 
sad  death  of  young  Rhodes  who  was  known  to 
everyone.  He  was  an  amiable,  kind,  and  in- 
dustrious boy,  and  had  been  most  helpful  to  his 
mother  and  sister. 

Such  were  the  experiences  of  civil  war.  No 
one  could  foresee  the  results  of  this  brutal  strife 
that  regarded  human  life  and  property  as  of  no 
value  and  made  the  innocent  as  deserving  of 
punishment  as  were  the  guilty. 

A  few  days  later  Mosby  captured  some  18  men 


MOSBY  AND  HIS  iMEN  295 

belonging  to  the  command  that  had  hung 
and  shot  his  men.  He  took  these  innocent 
prisoners  and  had  them  shot  in  retaliation,  giv- 
ing notice  to  General  Custer  that  if  he  wished 
to  conduct  war  on  that  basis,  he  was  prepared 
to  do  the  same.  I  think  this  put  an  end  to  the 
murder  of  prisoners  by  both  sides. 

After  this  experience  we  were  not  exposed  to 
the  presence  of  the  Federal  troops  until  after 
the  19th  of  October.  General  Early,  in  com- 
mand of  the  Valley  army,  was  located  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Fisher's  Hill  and  Strasburg  on 
the  main  Valley  pike.  The  Federal  army  was 
around  Cedar  Creek  and  Middletown ;  the  two 
armies  were  facing  each  other  and  looking  for 
opportunities  to  get  an  advantage. 

The  opportunity  at  last  seemed  to  be  favor- 
able to  Early  to  make  an  attack.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  the  19th  of  October  before  daybreak  he 
put  his  men  in  action  and  by  a  flank  movement 
made  an  attack  on  the  left  of  the  Federal  line 
at  Cedar  Creek.  He  took  the  Federals  com- 
pletely by  surprise  and  drove  them  out  of  their 
camps  before  they  had  time  to  form.  The  rout 
was  complete;  and  they  were  driven  back  to  Mid- 
dletown before  the  stampede  was  checked. 
Early's  men  had  been  starved  and,  for  want  of 
shoes  and  clothes,  were  in  such  poor  condition  that 
when  they  captured  the  Federal  camp  they  began 


296        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

to  pillage  and  look  for  food  and  clothes.  Many 
left  their  commands  and  became  stragglers  at  a 
time  when  their  services  were  needed  on  the  firing 
line. 

After  driving  the  routed  army  back  some  six 
miles  the  men  in  the  advance,  who  were  doing  all 
the  fighting,  were  so  reduced  in  numbers  that  they 
were  unable  to  hold  the  position  they  had  gained. 
The  Federal  stampede  was  arrested  and  fresh 
men  were  brought  up  from  Winchester  to  aid  in 
the  defense  and  inaugurate  an  advance  on 
the  scattered  and  depleted  Confederate  lines. 
Early's  men  were  not  only  held  in  check,  but 
they  were  driven  back  in  as  much  disorder  as 
they  had  advanced.  They  soon  lost  all  the  ad- 
vantages they  had  gained;  and  by  evening  the 
entire  army  had  been  completely  routed.  A 
brilliant  victory  in  the  early  morning  was  brought 
to  a  most  humiliating  disaster  by  the  close  of  the 
day  by  the  straggling  and  disorder  of  the  Con- 
federates, who  found  too  many  temptations  in  the 
deserted  camps  of  the  enemy. 

I  remember  that  early  morning  in  October  as 
well  as  any  day  of  my  life.  We  were  aroused  by 
the  reports  of  the  cannon  and  muskets  on  the  Val- 
ley pike,  not  over  ten  miles  distant  in  a  bee  line. 
We  could  follow  the  advance  and  then  in  the 
afternoon  could  locate  by  the  firing  the  changes 
in  position  of  the  two  armies.     The  noise  of  the 


MOSBY  AND  HIS  MEN  297 

battle  was  terrific,  and  we  knew  that  a  great  en- 
gagement was  going  on.  It  was  Sunday  morn- 
ing; the  quiet  of  the  Sabbath  was  disturbed  not 
only  by  the  noise  of  artillery  and  muskets,  for  my 
father  had  told  Uncle  Lewis  that  he  had  better 
get  busy  and  try  to  save  his  corn  crop  on  that  day. 

Uncle  Lewis  had  cultivated  a  small  field  of 
corn  near  the  house,  and  up  to  that  time  it  had 
not  been  disturbed.  My  father  told  him  he  had 
better  gather  it  at  once,  for  not  an  ear  would 
be  left  if  the  Federals  returned.  While  the  bat- 
tle was  going  on  in  the  Valley,  and  while  we 
could  hear  the  firing  as  distinctly  as  though  close 
by,  we  all  turned  out  and  went  into  the  field  and 
shucked  and  brought  to  the  house  in  bags  some 
18  to  20  barrels  of  corn.  The  work  was  largely 
done  by  the  servants  on  the  place,  but  I  did  a  full 
share  of  the  duty.  We  put  the  corn  in  the  gar- 
ret of  the  house,  and  what  we  gathered  that  Sun- 
day was  all  the  corn  we  had  for  man  and  beast 
the  following  winter.  Early  the  next  morning 
a  large  body  of  Federal  cavalry  came  in  and  took 
possession  of  the  place.  They  cleaned  up  what 
corn  they  could  find  in  the  field,  but  left  the  fod- 
der standing  and  did  not  take  the  time  to  gather 
the  nubbins. 

The  main  body  of  cavalry  pushed  south  by 
the  Page  Valley  but  met  the  Confederate  cavalry 
at   Millford,    where   it  had   been   held   back   in 


298        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

September.  Millford  was  a  strong  position,  for 
the  Valley  was  not  over  four  miles  wide  at  the 
place,  and  the  river  wound  around  between  the 
mountains  and  lowlands  in  such  curves  that  the 
place  could  not  easily  be  flanked.  A  small  force 
could  easily  defend  the  only  road  that  led  through 
the  country. 

After  this  second  attempt  to  advance  south  by 
way  of  the  Page  Valley  the  Federal  cavalry  again 
retired  north,  and  in  this  retreat  they  swept  our 
county  of  everything  that  they  could  find  in  the 
way  of  food  supplies;  and  what  they  could  not 
carry  away  they  set  on  fire  or  destroyed  in  other 
ways.  They  burned  all  the  flour  and  grist  mills 
in  our  county,  with  two  exceptions,  along  the 
route  of  travel,  all  the  barns  that  were  stored  with 
grain,  wheat  stacks,  hay  stacks,  and  fodder.  The 
skys  were  red  at  night  with  the  glare  from  these 
burning  buildings.  General  Sheridan,  at  that 
time  in  command  of  the  Federal  army  operating 
in  the  Valley  of  Virginia,  made  the  boasting  re- 
mark, "A  crow  will  have  to  carry  its  rations  in 
flying  over  the  Valley."  And  this  would  have 
been  literally  true,  if  Sheridan  could  have  had  his 
own  way;  but,  fortunately  for  our  citizens  that 
were  non-combatants,  the  bounty  of  nature  is 
often  more  beneficent  than  man. 

Our  country  had  never  known  such  seasons  as 
we  had  during  the  four  years  of  war.     Whatever 


MOSBY  AND  HIS  MEN  299 

was  put  in  the  ground  grew  in  profusion. 
Wheat,  corn,  oats,  rye,  and  grass  yielded  large 
crops,  with  little  cultivation.  The  orchard  bore 
heavily,  small  fruits  and  the  nuts  on  the  trees 
were  in  the  greatest  abundance;  wild  game  was 
prolific  and  the  poultry,  hiding  in  weeds  and 
briars  around  the  houses,  gave  abundance  of  food 
that  could  not  be  removed  or  burned.  Our  peo- 
ple relied  on  these  food  supplies  in  the  scarcity  of 
flour  and  cornmeal.  Potatoes,  which  were  buried 
under  ground,  were  used  as  substitutes  for  bread, 
and  molasses  made  from  sorghum  was  used  for 
sugar.  Coffee  found  a  substitute  in  parched  rye 
and  the  root  of  the  sassafras  was  used  to  make 
tea.  Salt  was  often  scarce  and  hard  to  get,  and 
clothing  had  to  be  of  the  plainest  character. 
Many  of  our  men  and  boys  were  clothed  in  the 
old  discarded  uniforms  of  Federals, — clothes  that 
had  either  been  left  in  camps  or  captured  by  our 
soldiers, — dyed  black  with  the  bark  of  the  tree. 
But  for  these  resources  our  people  would  have 
starved;  and  in  some  instances  there  was  much 
suffering  for  the  actual  necessaries  of  life,  where 
families  were  in  the  enemy's  lines  and  had  no 
one  to  extend  aid  to  them.  Leather  was  scarce 
and  it  was  difficult  to  get  shoes.  Many  of  the 
boys  and  girls  of  good  size  went  barefooted  for 
nine  months  of  the  year.  A  good  pair  of  shoes 
for  man  or  woman  was  a  luxury;  yet  in  spite  of 


300        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

all  these  drawbacks  our  men  and  women  were  tidy 
and  neat  in  appearance,  and  our  young  girls  never 
looked  more  beautiful  than  when  dressed  in  their 
linsey  garments  and  homemade  hats. 

This  was  the  last  raid  the  Federal  cavalry  ever 
made  in  our  village.  They  had  cleaned  up  the 
country  so  thoroughly  that  it  was  hardly  neces- 
sary to  return ;  for  they  could  not  find  enough  food 
for  the  men  and  horses  and  perhaps  deemed  it  un- 
wise to  occupy  a  territory  that  was  unproductive. 
Their  operations  were  confined  to  the  main  Val- 
ley, and  when  the  spring  came,  both  the  Confed- 
erate army  and  the  Federal  were  transferred  to 
the  country  east  of  the  Blue  Ridge. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 

THE    SPRING    OF     1865 THE    SURRENDER 

The  winter  of  1864-65  was  passed  quietly  by 
our  people,  for  we  were  not  disturbed  by  the  visits 
of  the  Federal  troops.  They  had  treated  us  so 
badly  during  the  fall  months,  and  had  so  com- 
pletely devastated  our  country,  that  there  was 
nothing  left  to  tempt  them  to  come  our  way. 
The  condition  of  the  Southern  cause  and  the  posi- 
tion of  our  armies, — now  facing  such  odds  and 
reduced  to  such  small  bodies, — filled  us  with  great 
anxiety.  The  contest  had  almost  worn  out  the 
patience  of  our  most  loyal  citizens,  who  seemed 
to  feel  that  the  spring  campaign  would  bring  fur- 
ther disasters.  The  resources  of  our  section  of 
the  South  were  so  completely  exhausted  that  we 
were  scarcely  able  to  support  our  home  popula- 
tion, much  less  give  aid  to  the  men  in  the  field. 
Every  man  available  for  military  service  was  in 
the  army  and  the  crop  of  boys  coming  on  for  the 
spring  enlistment  was  too  small  to  be  of  any 
value.  Our  lands  were  out  in  the  commons; 
barns,  mills,  and  farming  implements  had  been 
burned  or  destroyed;  only  a  few  old  horses  were 
left  for  farm  work,  and  we  had  little  labor  with 

301 


302        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

which  to  cultivate  the  crops.  Our  farmers  looked 
forward  to  the  spring  with  little  encouragement. 
If  the  war  continued,  little  farm  work  could  be 
done  as  the  farm  lands,  labor,  and  implements 
necessary  to  cultivate  the  land  were  all  in  such 
a  condition  as  to  make  farming  operations  im- 
practicable, except  on  the  smallest  scale.  Small 
crops  of  wheat  had  been  sown  in  the  fall  by  a 
few  farmers  who  lived  off  the  main  roads  of 
travel;  and  in  the  mountains  it  was  possible  to 
raise  rye  and  corn.  The  lands  had  grown  up  in 
weeds  and  bushes,  but  the  grass  was  in  good  con- 
dition ;  such  live  stock  as  was  left  could  find  good 
grazing  all  through  the  winter,  and  was  kept  alive 
by  this  fortunate  condition. 

The  privations  and  distress  of  our  people  can 
best  be  illustrated  by  a  few  examples.  A  lady 
in  our  village, — who  had  given  birth  to  an  in- 
fant about  the  time  the  Federals  were  harassing 
our  citizens  by  all  kinds  of  pillaging  and  destruc- 
tion,— was  so  disturbed  that  she  was  unable  to 
give  nourishment  to  her  baby.  She  was  com- 
pelled to  give  it  milk  from  the  only  cow  that  was 
available.  The  Federal  troops  butchered  this 
animal,  though  it  had  a  calf  only  a  few  weeks 
old.  This  left  the  infant  almost  without  nourish- 
ment, and  it  would  have  soon  perished  had  not 
a  young  woman,  the  wife  of  a  Confederate  soldier, 
had  an  infant  about  the  same  age.     She  volun- 


THE  SPRING  OF  1865  303 

teered  to  nurse  the  baby  in  connection  with  her 
own  infant,  and  it  was  necessay  for  the  mother 
of  the  first  infant  to  have  it  sent  frequently 
through  the  picket  lines  to  nurse,  as  the  wet  nurse 
lived  some  distance  away  and  outside  the  lines. 
This  had  to  be  kept  up  until  the  Federals  left  and 
other  arrangements  could  be  made.  The  life  of 
the  infant  was  saved  in  this  way. 

A  widow,  whose  only  son  was  killed  in  the 
army,  lived  on  a  large  farm  at  some  distance  from 
any  neighbors.  She  had  several  grown  daughters 
and  one  or  two  old  female  relatives  living  with 
her.  Her  farm  had  been  stripped  of  everything 
that  would  give  support  to  life.  She  had  a  num- 
ber of  old  negroes,  both  men  and  women,  with 
their  small  children,  all  dependent  on  the  farm; 
and  they  were  all  the  protection  these  ladies  had. 
These  faithful  negroes  not  only  gave  protection 
but  they  worked  the  garden,  looked  after  the 
poultry,  cows,  and  small  animals  on  the  place, 
and  managed  to  keep  the  ladies  from  starv- 
ing. 

An  old  gentleman  nearly  fourscore  years 
old, — whose  only  son  was  in  the  army  and  who 
had  an  invalid  wife  and  several  single  daughters, 
nearly  grown, — had  to  go  to  work  in  the  field  to 
get  food  for  his  family.  He  rented  a  tract  of 
land  that  was  very  poorly  fenced,  and  by  his  own 
labor,  with  some  little  assistance  from  small  boys, 


304        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

sowed  the  land  in  wheat.  The  following  sum- 
mer he  harvested  the  wheat,  with  the  assistance 
of  a  few  boys  and  old  men.  When  his  crop  was 
gathered  the  Federals  came  along  and  robbed 
him  of  almost  all  his  toil.  He  had  worked  hard 
for  the  actual  food  of  life,  and  the  enemy  reaped 
where  he  had  sown. 

An  old  physician  in  our  village, — who  had  four 
sons  in  the  army  and  an  equal  number  of  grown 
daughters  at  home,  dependent  on  his  labors, — 
made  his  professional  rounds  on  such  old  horses 
as  he  could  pick  up  or  as  his  patients  could  send 
for  him,  and  often  went  on  foot.  I  have  seen 
this  old  doctor  in  the  very  hottest  weather  of 
summer  hoeing  and  weeding  a  lot  of  sorghum, 
trying  to  raise  the  food  for  his  family. 

A  pastor  of  one  of  the  two  remaining  churches 
worked  his  own  garden,  milked  his  only  cow, 
and  did  all  the  menial  work  around  his  par- 
sonage. I  saw  him  going  to  the  gristmill  with 
a  small  bag  of  corn  on  his  back  to  have  it  ground 
and  then  bring  it  back  as  meal.  He  was  the  most 
heroic  man  of  his  profession  I  ever  knew.  His 
sermons  were  filled  with  the  spirit  of  patriotism 
and  yet  of  humble  resignation, — ever  encouraging 
his  congregation  to  bear  all  things  and  trust  to 
the  will  of  God.  These  are  only  a  few  of  the 
incidents  I  could  relate.  They  are  sufficient  to 
show  the  conditions  of  the  times  and  the  spirit  of 


THE  SPRING  OF  1865  soo- 

the people  who  were  making  every  effort  to  meet 
them. 

One  of  the  greatest  hardships  that  our  citizens 
had  to  bear  was  the  complete  interruption  of  all 
business  relations.  After  the  fall  of  1862  every 
store  and  shop  in  the  village  was  closed  until 
after  the  war.  Nothing  could  be  had  in  the  way 
of  clothing,  groceries,  and  household  goods,  ex- 
cept where  purchases  were  made  in  other  locali- 
ties. The  courts  of  law  seldom  convened,  all 
civil  authority  was  practically  suspended,  our  me- 
chanics and  tradespeople  had  little  to  do,  and  the 
income  from  property  and  from  business  was  cut 
off.  The  avenues  of  trade  being  closed,  the 
wants  of  the  people  could  not  be  met;  and  every- 
one had  to  get  along  in  the  best  way  possible. 

This  meant  great  hardship  to  many  who  had 
little  money,  and  afforded  no  way  of  making  a 
living  by  the  usual  methods  of  work.  Our  people 
learned  by  necessity  to  do  without  the  most  nec- 
essary articles  of  food  and  clothing,  and  lived  in 
the  simplest  way.  It  is  surprising  how  little  one 
can  live  on  when  necessity  reduces  his  wants  to 
the  simplest  details.  Just  as  Robinson  Crusoe,  on 
a  lonely  island  learned  the  simplest  problems  of 
life,  so  our  people,  by  force  of  circumstances,  were 
reduced  to  a  life  of  great  simplicity.  Yet  in  this 
life  there  was  contentment  and  patient  forbear- 
ance with  the  conditions  that  surrounded  them. 


306        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

Although  there  were  no  military  operations  of 
any  importance  in  the  Valley  of  Virginia  during 
the  winter  of  1 864-65,  a  Federal  garrison  was  kept 
at  Winchester.  As  far  as  I  can  remember,  how- 
ever, we  never  saw  in  our  village  a  bod)'  of  Fed- 
eral troops  after  the  last  of  November.  The  Con- 
federate boys  came  home  on  furlough  and  were 
not  disturbed  during  their  visits.  As  poor  as  our 
people  were  in  worldly  goods  the)'  maintained  a 
spirit  of  cheerfulness  and  of  hope.  The  results  of 
the  war  were  still  in  a  balance,  and  some  still 
hoped  for  better  success  to  the  Southern  cause 
when  the  spring  opened. 

Our  young  people  were  still  intent  on  having 
all  the  pleasure  that  would  come  their  way;  and 
though  they  had  to  do  the  greater  part  of  the 
work  of  the  home  and  of  the  farm,  they  found 
time  for  their  social  pleasures.  Dances  and  par- 
ties were  not  infrequent  and  at  these  affairs  the 
boys  home  from  the  army  had  their  enjoyment. 
Love-making  and  weddings  were  still  popular. 
There  seemed  to  be  nothing  incompatible  between 
love-making  and  soldiering.  As  a  general  rule 
the  boys  in  the  army  had  some  girl  on  the  string 
and  were  courting  and  marrying  whenever  the 
opportunity  was  favorable.  I  often  wondered 
how  men  exposed  to  the  dangers  of  war  could  as- 
sume the  responsibilities  of  marriage;  but  the 
soldiers  took  these  risks  as  they  did  those  of  bat- 


THE  SPRING  OF  1865  307 

tie,  with  the  greatest  composure;  for  few  men 
ever  expected  to  be  killed  in  battle;  they  usually 
thought  the  other  fellow  would  be  hurt  but  not 
themselves.  This  was  a  fortunate  delusion,  for 
few  men  deeply  impressed  with  a  sense  of  dan- 
ger and  fear  of  death  will  do  their  full  duty  on 
the  firing-line,  however  faithful  they  may  be  in 
camp  or  on  the  march. 

During  the  winter  and  early  spring  months  the 
army  under  Grant  and  the  army  under  Lee  were 
facing  each  other  in  the  trenches  of  Petersburg. 
The  forces  under  Grant  had  been  recruited  and 
enlarged  while  the  army  under  Lee  had  suffered 
heavy  losses  by  death  and  sickness,  and  had 
dwindled  to  less  than  40,000  men.  These  men 
were  poorly  fed  and  clad  but  were  still  fired  with 
courage  and  resolution.  They  were  making  a 
gallant  stand  against  the  odds  that  were  facing 
them.  As  soon  as  weather  conditions  would  per- 
mit Grant  began  his  old  tactics  of  moving  on  the 
flank.  He  began  on  Lee's  right  flank  and  forced 
Lee  to  extend  his  slim  lines  over  greater  distances. 
This  movement  soon  forced  Lee  to  evacuate 
Petersburg,  and  with  the  withdrawal  from  this 
place,  the  evacuation  of  Richmond  was  necessary. 
The  prize  the  Federals  had  so  long  coveted  fell 
into  the  hands  of  Grant,  and  the  capital  of  the 
Confederacy  was  lost  to  the  South.  The  Gov- 
ernment stores  and  papers  were  removed  before 


308        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

the  evacuation,  and  Mr.  Davis  with  his  Cabinet 
and  his  office  force,  left  for  an  interior  place. 

Lee  then  retreated  in  the  direction  of  Lynch- 
burg; and  when  he  reached  Appomattox  Court 
House  his  small  band  of  men  was  almost  com- 
pletely surrounded  by  the  Federal  forces.  On  the 
9th  of  April  Lee  saw  the  uselessness  of  further 
resistance,  and  so  he  surrendered  the  Army  of 
Northern  Virginia.  His  men  were  paroled  and 
allowed  to  return  to  their  homes.  A  few  weeks 
later  the  army  under  General  Joseph  E.  Johnston 
surrendered  in  North  Carolina.  With  this  final 
scene  the  War  between  the  States  came  to  an 
end. 

Four  years  of  strife  had  completely  exhausted 
the  resources  of  the  Confederacy,  both  in  men  and 
in  money,  and  the  drama  was  closed.  The  Gov- 
ernment that  our  people  had  fought  to  establish 
went  down  in  disaster,  and  the  Southern  States 
were  at  the  mercy  of  the  Federal  Government. 
Next  came  the  period  of  reconstruction  with  all 
its  calamities  for  our  people. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

THE    OLD    FAMILY    SERVANT 

There  was  something  in  the  life  of  the  old  family 
servant  that  was  peculiarly  attractive  to  the 
child.  Many  a  Southern  boy  and  girl  of  my 
generation  will  recall  the  old  negro  "Mammie," 
as  she  was  called, — her  gentleness,  patience,  and 
faithfulness,  her  spirit  of  unselfishness  and  kind- 
ness, and  her  interest  in  the  pleasures  and 
enjoyments  of  our  young  lives.  I  can  re- 
member my  old  nurse, — her  songs  and  stories, 
her  gentle  care  of  my  diet  and  clothes,  her  mild 
way  of  correcting  my  outbreaks  of  passion  and 
temper  and  her  ways  of  training  my  disposition 
and  character.  No  mother  could  have  been  more 
considerate  of  my  comfort  and  happiness  than  was 
this  old  negress. 

Then  the  old  negro  men  on  the  farm  were  ever 
ready  to  contribute  to  the  happiness  of  the  boy. 
In  fishing  and  hunting,  in  the  breaking  and  rid- 
ing of  the  horse,  in  the  harvesting  and  gathering 
of  the  crops  the  negro  man  was  at  all  times  sporty 
and  full  of  spirit  and  life.  He  usually  had  a 
fund  of  anecdote  and  folklore  which,  told  in  his 

309 


310        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

negro  dialect,  produced  a  striking  effect  which 
gave  keen  enjoyment  to  himself  and  audience. 
Generally  the  negro  had  a  most  musical  and  in- 
spiring voice;  and  he  not  only  sang  sweetly  but 
often  played  with  pathos  and  skill  on  the  violin, 
jew's-harp  and  bones.  He  was  seldom  morose  or 
disagreeable  but,  to  the  contrary,  had  a  joyfulness 
of  spirit  that  removed  the  irksomeness  of  labor 
and  added  to  the  pleasures  of  his  daily  tasks. 

In  the  labor  of  the  farm,  of  the  house,  or  of  the 
barn  he  was  always  the  same  light-hearted  crea- 
ture,— full  of  merriment  and  gossip,  often  hum- 
ming in  a  monotone  some  old  plantation  melody. 
By  nature  a  social  being, — his  best  efforts  are 
given  in  rivalry  with  other  laborers.  This  was 
best  shown  in  the  harvest  field,  in  the  thrashing 
of  wheat,  and  in  the  old-time  corn-shucking  par- 
ties. 

As  our  negroes  had  been  emancipated  the  sys- 
tem of  labor  had  now  to  be  adjusted  to  meet  the 
new  conditions.  Many  of  our  negroes  had  not 
left  their  old  homes  and  the  great  majority  had 
behaved  with  such  loyalty  and  consideration  to- 
ward their  old  masters  that  a  feeling  of  kindest 
respect  was  entertained  for  them.  Only  one  of 
my  father's  negroes  had  left  him.  The  older 
servants  were  as  faithful  and  true  as  it  was  pos- 
sible for  a  people  to  be.  In  fact  but  for  Uncle 
Lewis  and  Aunt  Susan  we  would  have  had  a  very 


THE  OLD  FAMILY  SERVANT     311 

hard  time  and  I  cannot  recall  the  services  of  these 
old  negroes  without  the  tenderest  emotions. 

A  few  days  after  the  surrender,  when  we  were 
assured  that  the  war  was  over,  my  father  called 
all  of  the  servants  together  under  a  large  tree  in 
the  yard  and  explained  to  them  that  under  the 
order  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  the 
negroes  had  been  liberated  and  were  now  free  to 
do  as  they  pleased.  He  told  them  that  he  had 
no  further  control  over  them,  that  in  future  he 
would  pay  them  for  services  such  wages  as  would 
be  established  in  the  community,  and  that  if  they 
wished  to  remain  in  his  employ  they  could  do 
so  as  long  as  they  desired;  but  that  if  any  of 
them  wished  to  find  new  homes,  they  were  at 
liberty  to  make  a  change.  He  assured  them  of 
his  friendly  interest  in  them  and  of  his  desire  to 
see  them  do  well  and  be  happy.  He  told  them 
of  the  altered  conditions  that  would  surround 
them  under  freedom  and  urged  them  to  cultivate 
habits  of  thrift  and  indust^,  which  would  make 
them  useful  citizens  and  self-respecting  men  and 
women. 

After  he  had  finished  his  remarks,  which  he 
had  made  in  a  tone  of  deep  emotion,  Uncle  Lewis 
stood  up  and  tried  to  be  the  spokesman  for  his 
race.  In  his  illiterate  way,  but  with  strong  sense, 
he  said  he  did  not  wish  to  be  free,  that  all  his 
life  he  had  been  a  slave  in  my  father's  family, 


312        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

that  he  had  always  been  treated  with  the  great- 
est kindness  by  my  grandfather  and  after  his 
death  by  my  father  and  that  in  his  old  age 
he  did  not  want  to  be  thrown  on  the  world  to 
make  his  own  living  and  to  be  neglected  by 
strangers.  He  then  broke  down  in  tears  and  wept 
copiously. 

My  father  told  him  that  he  need  not  fear, 
that  as  long  as  he  lived  he  should  have  a  home 
with  us  and  would  receive  the  same  attention  he 
had  always  received.  The  other  negroes  assented 
to  what  Lewis  had  said,  but,  as  they  were  younger, 
it  was  not  expected  that  they  would  wish  to  re- 
main indefinite^  in  our  family.  It  was,  how- 
ever, several  years  after  the  war  before  they  all 
found  new  homes.  Aunt  Susan  stayed  with  us 
some  three  years  before  she  went  to  live  in  her 
own  home.  She  had  accumulated  enough  money 
to  buy  a  neat  little  house  in  Front  Royal,  and 
by  taking  in  washing  and  doing  light  work  she 
lived  in  comfort  until  she  died. 

A  few  weeks  after  the  incident  mentioned  above 
Uncle  Lewis  went  to  his  room  with  an  illness  that 
soon  led  to  his  death.  We  waited  on  the  old 
man  and  did  all  we  could  for  his  comfort,  but  he 
expressed  a  desire  to  die,  for  he  said  he  was  heart- 
broken and  had  nothing  left  to  live  for. 

When  Uncle  Lewis  had  passed  away  my  father 
had  him  buried  in  the  lot  where  for  many  years 


THE  OLD  FAMILY  SERVANT     313 

his  people  had  been  buried.  He  had  the  faithful 
old  friends  assemble  under  the  shade  trees  in 
the  yard  and  a  short  service  was  held  over  the 
remains.  My  father  and  I  accompanied  the  body 
to  its  last  resting  place,  where  Lewis  now  sleeps. 
I  wept  then,  and  the  tears  now  come  into  my 
eyes  as  I  write  these  words;  for  this  good  old 
negro  had  been  one  of  the  best  friends  of  the  days 
of  my  childhood  and  boyhood.  He  had  taught 
me  the  early  lessons  of  outdoor  life, — how  to 
ride,  to  load  and  shoot  a  gun,  to  hunt,  and  do 
many  of  the  little  things  about  the  farm  and 
home;  he  had  entertained  me  by  the  hour  in  his 
room  with  stories  and  tales  of  his  early  life;  he 
had  told  me  many  things  about  my  grandfather, 
who  died  before  I  was  born,  and  about  other  mem- 
bers of  my  family  whom  I  had  never  seen,  about 
the  western  country  and  the  Valley  in  which  we 
lived  when  he  was  a  young  man.  This  old  man 
had  a  colored  skin,  but  a  white  man's  heart.  I 
loved  him  dearly. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

REBUILDING   THE    WASTE    PLACES 

The  close  of  the  war  found  our  country  almost 
a  desert.  Over  80  per  cent  of  the  personal  prop- 
erty of  our  people  had  been  swept  away.  Little 
was  left  but  the  land  and  the  buildings  on  it,  many 
of  which  had  been  so  neglected  during  the  four 
years  of  war  that  they  were  almost  uninhabitable. 
Fences,  barns,  granaries,  and  the  outbuildings  on 
many  of  the  farms  were  completely  destroyed. 
Only  two  or  three  old  mills  were  left  in  our 
county,  and  they  were  in  a  dilapidated  condition. 
The  farm  lands  had  grown  up  in  weeds  and  bushes 
and  were  scarcely  fit  for  pasturage.  A  few  old 
horses,  cows,  hogs,  and  sheep  were  left  on  some 
of  the  farms  removed  from  the  highroads. 
Farming  implements  were  almost  worthless,  and 
the  tools  used  by  the  blacksmiths  and  mechanics 
were  almost  useless.  With  everything  in  this 
condition,  and  with  little  or  no  money  to  buy  the 
necessary  articles  for  industrial  work,  the  prob- 
lem of  rebuilding  the  waste  places  was  a  serious 
one. 

No  sooner  had  peace  been  declared  than  our 
314 


REBUILDING  WASTE  PLACES     315 

people  began  the  work  of  construction  and  of  re- 
pair. Everyone  with  the  physical  strength  be- 
gan to  labor  about  the  house  and  in  the  field. 
The  boys  who  had  been  in  the  army  came  back 
and  resumed  their  home  duties.  A  few,  who  had 
been  trained  for  mercantile  life  or  clerical  duties, 
left  for  other  fields  of  employment  in  the  cities 
or  elsewhere.  With  the  opening  of  the  spring,  the 
work  of  building  fences  and  of  planting  crops  be- 
gan in  earnest,  and  was  pushed  with  vigor  and 
industry.  The  stores  and  shops  in  the  village 
were  opened  and,  with  the  credit  extended  by 
the  merchants  in  Baltimore  and  some  of  the 
Northern  cities,  supplies  were  brought  and  the 
necessities  of  the  people  were  provided  for. 

The  scarcity  of  labor  was  made  up  b)'  the  re- 
turn of  the  men  who  had  been  in  the  army  and 
by  the  negro  laborers  who  had  not  left  their  old 
homes.  The  farmers  who  had  sown  wheat  the 
previous  fall  were  fortunate  in  getting  good  prices 
for  the  wheat  crop.  This  brought  some  ready 
money  into  the  community.  On  many  of  the 
farms  there  was  much  good  timber  and  this  was 
cut  and  sold  at  good  prices;  and  by  the  time  the 
summer  months  had  come  our  country  began  to 
assume  a  more  prosperous  appearance,  and  the 
wants  of  our  people  became  less  pressing.  The 
young  people  soon  began  to  resume  their  former 
pleasures.     Picnics,   dances,   and   other  pastimes 


316        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

were  resumed,  and  all  entered  into  the  enjoyment 
of  a  refined  social  life. 

About  six  miles  from  our  village  there  was  an 
old  watering  place  which  had  been  abandoned  dur- 
ing the  war.  In  some  way  it  had  escaped  the  fire- 
brand, and  only  suffered  from  the  loss  of  windows 
and  doors,  and  from  the  hands  of  idleness.  It  was 
admirably  located  for  the  pleasure  of  the  young 
people.  The  young  men  and  women  from  the 
country  for  miles  around  would  meet  at  this  old 
place  and  spend  the  day  in  dancing  and  merri- 
ment. They  would  come  on  horseback  or  in  any 
old  vehicle,  and  bring  provisions  for  the  midday 
meal.  The  floor  of  the  ballroom  was  large  and 
smooth,  so  that  dancing  was  continued  the  entire 
day,  and  sometimes  thirty  or  forty  couples  would 
be  on  the  floor  at  one  time.  An  old  citizen  with 
his  violin  made  music  and  the  old-time  dances 
were  stepped  off  as  the  fiddler  called  out  the 
figures:  "Dance  to  your  partner;  turn  partner; 
salute  partner;  dismiss  partner." 

A  large  lunch  was  spread  for  the  company  at 
midday  and  the  dance  was  resumed  until  late  in 
the  afternoon,  when  the  party  broke  up.  The 
Virginia  Reel  wound  up  the  dance  for  the  day. 
No  one  enjoyed  these  dancing  parties  more  than 
the  boys  who  had  been  in  the  army.  They  were 
the  heroes  of  the  day  and  had  the  swing  with  the 
girls.     I  belonged  to  the  juvenile  set  and  took 


REBUILDING  WASTE  PLACES     317 

my  chances  for  a  partner  with  any  of  the  girls 
that  happened  to  be  without  an  escort.  One  of 
the  boys  who  entered  into  the  spirit  of  these  dances 
with  a  light  heart  and  energetic  soul  was  an  old 
schoolmate  of  mine  who  had  entered  the  army  at 
the  very  outbreak  of  the  war.  He  met  with  a 
wound  in  the  second  year  of  the  war  and  lost  one 
half  of  one  foot.  He  was  able  to  walk  on  his 
heel  and  no  man  ever  made  better  use  of  a  heel 
than  he  did.  He  was  on  the  floor  all  the  time  and 
with  his  game  foot  could  tire  out  the  best  dancers 
on  the  floor.  I  have  never  known  anyone  who 
equaled  him  in  the  love  of  the  dance.  He  had  a 
very  sweet  and  musical  voice  and  sang  old  Irish 
songs  to  perfection.  He  was  very  popular  with 
the  girls. 

We  had  a  custom  in  those  days  of  going 
to  these  parties  in  the  country  in  a  large  wagon 
with  the  bed  filled  with  straw.  Four  horses 
pulled  the  load  and  we  often  had  twenty  or  thirty 
boys  and  girls  in  the  wagon.  This  is  what  is  now 
known  as  a  straw  ride.  We  did  not  give  it  that 
name  in  my  boyhood  days.  It  was  a  great  source 
of  pleasure  and  was  an  innocent  sport. 

The  summer  of  1865  passed  so  pleasantly  that 
it  was  soon  gone.  When  the  fall  months  came  a 
school  was  opened  in  the  old  Academy  in  our  vil- 
lage by  a  young  man  who  had  been  an  officer  in 
the  army.     He  was  well  qualified  for  the  work 


318        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

of  the  teacher  and  soon  had  a  large  school  of  boys 
and  girls.  In  the  class  that  assembled  there  were 
some  ten  or  twelve  boys  who  had  been  in  the 
army,  and  were  now  eager  to  make  up  for  lost 
time.  Several  of  them  had  belonged  to  the  class 
of  the  principal  that  had  commanded  the  com- 
pany which  went  to  Harper's  Ferry  on  April 
2oth,  1861,  and  who  had  risen  to  the  rank  of 
colonel  of  his  regiment,  and  had  been  killed  in 
front  of  Petersburg  in  1864.  These  boys  who 
had  served  from  one  to  four  years  in  the  war  were 
good  students  and  progressed  rapidly.  Later  in 
life  some  of  them  became  distinguished  citizens. 
During  the  fall  we  had  several  incidents  to  happen 
that  brought  sadness  to  many  hearts.  A  number 
of  the  men  in  the  army  from  our  county  had  died 
away  from  home  and  had  been  buried  among 
strangers  in  widely  separated  places.  Several  had 
found  graves  on  battlefields.  As  soon  as  it  was 
possible  the  friends  and  relatives  of  these  men 
had  their  bodies  brought  home  for  burial.  When 
their  remains  were  brought  back  our  school  would 
close  and  all  of  our  citizens  would  attend  the  re- 
interment of  these  bodies.  In  some  cases  these 
boys  had  been  lost  in  battle  or  had  died  so  far 
from  friends  that  their  bodies  were  never  re- 
covered, and  they  now  sleep  in  unknown  graves, 
though  their  memories  are  still  cherished  by  their 
loved    ones.     One    of    my    old    classmates    was 


REBUILDING  WASTE  PLACES     319 

wounded  and  captured.  He  died  in  some  Fed- 
eral prison,  and  his  friends  have  never  been  able 
to  learn  his  fate  nor  his  last  resting  place. 

One  of  the  first  duties  our  good  women  un- 
dertook after  the  surrender  was  to  organize  a 
memorial  association  for  the  care  and  preservation 
of  the  bodies  of  the  Confederate  dead  buried  in 
our  community.  A  large  lot  was  secured  near  the 
place  first  selected  for  the  Confederate  dead  and 
in  this  beautiful  spot  all  the  dead  were  brought 
together  and  placed  in  graves,  marked  with  head- 
stones, with  such  information  as  was  at  command 
for  their  identification. 

The  unknown  dead  were  placed  in  a  large  cen- 
tral mound  with  a  monument  over  them.  This 
labor  of  love  and  devotion  to  the  memory  of 
those  who  had  given  up  their  lives  for  the 
Southern  cause  involved  much  sacrifice,  for  our 
people  were  poor  in  material  wealth,  though  gen- 
erous and  unselfish  in  heart.  The  work  of  car- 
ing for  the  dead  was  carried  through  a  number  of 
years  and  finally  resulted  in  a  beautiful  memorial 
to  the  Confederate  dead. 

I  have  mentioned  in  a  previous  chapter  the  bu- 
rial of  Captain  Laslie  and  Hugh  Garth  of  the  Sec- 
ond Virginia  Cavalry,  killed  in  September,  1864, 
near  our  village.  I  assisted  in  the  removal  of  the 
remains  of  these  bodies  to  the  new  cemetery  after 
the  close  of  the  war,  and  they  now  sleep  in  marked 


320        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

graves  near  their  comrades-in-arms.  In  this  acre, 
consecrated  to  the  men  who  perished  in  the  war, 
over  three  hundred  men  sleep  "on  fame's  eternal 
camping  ground." 

While  our  citizens  were  collecting  the  bodies  of 
the  Confederate  dead  the  Federal  Government  was 
engaged  in  the  same  work  and  some  three  hundred 
Federal  dead  in  our  county  were  removed  to  the 
National  Cemetery  at  Winchester.  These  men 
were  buried  in  many  places,  often  in  the  neglected 
spots  where  they  had  fallen  in  battle.  In  a  field 
adjoining  my  home  nine  men,  killed  in  a  charge, 
May  30th,  1862,  were  buried  in  one  grave.  A 
few  weeks  later  a  soldier  belonging  to  an  Ohio 
Regiment  died  in  the  home  of  one  of  our  citizens 
and  was  buried  in  this  lot.  Some  days  later  his 
friends  came  and  removed  his  body  and  left  the 
grave  open  with  the  coffin  in  it.  About  the  same 
time  a  negro  died  in  one  of  the  camps  and  was 
buried  in  this  open  grave.  This  negro  had  on  an 
old  uniform  of  a  Federal  captain.  When  these 
bodies  were  removed  to  Winchester  the  body  of 
the  negro  was  marked  "Federal  captain.  Name 
unknown."  He  rests  now  with  the  Federal  dead 
in  the  National  Cemetery.     What  is  fame*? 

The  men  employed  by  the  Government  to 
remove  the  dead  were  a  cold-blooded  set.  I 
watched  them  open  a  number  of  graves,  and  when 
they  found  anything  on  the  dead  that  was  worth 


REBUILDING  WASTE  PLACES     321 

keeping  they  appropriated  it  to  their  own  use. 
They  invariably  examined  the  teeth  to  see  if  any 
had  gold  fillings,  and  if  such  fillings  were  found, 
the  teeth  were  removed  and  placed  in  the  men's 
pockets.  No  gold  was  ever  buried  with  the  dead, 
if  these  ghouls  could  help  it. 

These  inhuman  practices  were  the  outgrowth 
of  the  war.  These  men, — now  employed  by  the 
Federal  Government  to  collect  the  bodies  of  the 
men  who  had  lost  their  lives  in  service, — were 
members  of  the  same  army  that  had  pillaged 
and  robbed  our  people  during  the  last  two  years 
of  the  war.  As  they  could  no  longer  rob  the 
living  they  were  robbing  the  remains  of  their 
dead  comrades.  I  saw  one  of  these  men  take  a 
skull  of  one  of  these  dead  soldiers,  and  on  examin- 
ing it  he  found  some  four  or  five  of  the  teeth  were 
filled  with  gold.  He  took  a  stone  and  deliber- 
ately knocked  out  these  teeth  and  put  them  in  his 
pocket,  with  the  remark,  "They  are  of  no  use  to 
this  dead  man,  and  they  are  of  some  value  to  me." 

A  Federal  soldier  had  been  buried  in  a  field  in 
front  of  my  home.  A  depression  in  the  ground 
marked  his  grave.  I  had  often  passed  the  place 
and  thought  it  was  a  hog  wallow.  One  of  my 
boy  associates  had  seen  the  man  buried  and  called 
the  attention  of  the  grave-diggers  to  the  spot. 
I  was  somewhat  shocked  at  the  way  they  asked  for 
the   information.     We  boys   were   watching   the 


322        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

removal  of  some  of  the  dead  and  one  of  the  men, 
turning  to  us,  asked  if  we  knew  where  any  more 
of  these  men  were  "planted."  It  was  then  that 
the  boy  called  attention  to  the  grave.  I  followed 
the  grave-diggers  and  saw  them  open  the  grave. 
The  man  had  been  buried  in  a  shallow  grave  with- 
out a  coffin.  When  the  earth  was  removed  one 
of  the  diggers  discovered  a  black  silk  handkerchief 
and  pulled  it  from  under  the  earth.  He  then 
shook  off  the  dirt  and  held  it  up  for  inspection.  It 
was  in  good  condition,  so  he  put  it  in  his  pocket. 
He  next  examined  the  teeth  for  gold  fillings,  but 
found  none.  The  bones  were  collected  and 
thrown  into  a  small  box  for  transportation  to  Win- 
chester. 

Those  are  but  a  few  of  the  examples  of  civil 
war  with  its  sad  features  of  human  suffering  and 
death.  I  have  often  thought  that  many  of  the 
poor  fellows  who  had  given  their  lives  in  the  civil 
strife,  and  were  now  sleeping  in  unknown  graves, 
had  sorrowing  relatives  at  their  homes,  who  were 
looking  in  vain  for  their  return. 

I  have  estimated  as  carefully  as  I  could  that 
there  were  between  five  and  six  hundred  Federal 
and  Confederate  soldiers  buried  in  my  county 
during  the  war.  This  loss  is  but  trivial  compared 
with  the  slaughter  in  many  of  the  great  battles  of 
the  war,  where  as  many  as  ten  thousand  were  left 
dead  on  the  field. 


REBUILDING  WASTE  PLACES     323 

I  have  already  asked  the  question,  was  this  war 
worth  what  it  cost  in  blood  and  treasure*?  From 
my  point  of  view  I  have  answered  no.  Those 
who  differ  with  me  must  show  wherein  lies  the 
profit. 

So  long  as  the  brutal  instincts  of  man  control 
the  policies  of  countries  and  nations  war  may  be 
a  necessary  evil,  but  if  civilization  cannot  be 
maintained  on  higher  grounds,  then  civilization  is 
a  failure,  and  all  human  rights  are  exposed  to  the 
evil  passions  of  human  nature.  The  great  laws 
that  control  all  forms  of  animal  life  in  the  strug- 
gle for  existence  dominate  in  a  measure  the  spirit 
of  man.  The  gradual  uplift  of  the  human  race 
is  the  outcome  of  this  struggle.  Upon  this  theory 
alone  is  there  any  justification  in  war  between  kin- 
dred peoples  and  foreign  nations.  When  civiliza- 
tion has  reached  a  standard  when  all  human  con- 
tentions can  be  regulated  by  arbitration  then  we 
may  hope  for  an  era  of  peace  and  good  will  be- 
tween men. 

The  evil  passions  engendered  by  the  War  be- 
tween the  States  should  have  ended  at  Appomat- 
tox. This  was  the  hope  of  the  people  of  the 
South.  They  had  fought  bravely  for  their  Con- 
stitutional rights  and  had  submitted  this  ques- 
tion to  the  arbitration  of  arms.  The  contest  had 
been  decided  against  them,  and  they  were  pre- 
pared to  accept  this  decision  in  a  patriotic  way. 


324        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

The  emancipation  of  the  negro  was  accepted  in 
the  same  spirit;  but  the  people  who  fully  under- 
stood the  nature  and  character  of  the  negro  ex- 
pected that  a  domestic  question  of  such  importance 
to  the  negro  and  to  the  white  race  in  the  South 
would  be  referred  largely  to  the  latter  to  adjust. 
It  was  not  believed  when  the  war  was  first  closed 
that  a  policy  of  reconstruction  would  be  enforced 
by  the  Federal  Government  with  harshness  and 
barbarity,  that  a  proud  and  high-spirited  people 
would  be  subjected  to  such  humiliation,  and  would 
have  to  contend  with  an  ignorant  and  servile 
race, — a  race  totally  unfit  for  the  duties  of  citizen- 
ship,— for  its  principles  of  domestic  government. 

It  is  not  my  wish  to  revive  the  memories  of 
reconstruction.  That  chapter  of  American  history 
had  best  be  forgotten  by  the  men  of  my  genera- 
tion, and  those  who  have  come  since  the  war  are 
better  off  without  a  knowledge  of  that  period, — a 
period  that  the  historian  can  only  view  as  a  dis- 
grace to  a  government  which  gave  assent  to  it. 

If  the  War  between  the  States  was  justifiable, 
then  any  civil  war,  conducted  on  the  same  basis, 
will  be  equally  justifiable.  If  war  is  the  only 
protest  a  people  can  make  against  arbitrary  power, 
then  war  will  be  inevitable  in  the  nature  of  things. 

The  Civil  War  brought  great  wealth  and 
political  power  to  the  North  and  Northwest.  It 
built  up  an  aristocracy  of  wealth  and  political 


REBUILDING  WASTE  PLACES     325 

power  that  has  dominated  the  nation  for  the  last 
fifty  years.  It  has  made  the  few  rich  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  great  mass  of  the  people.  It  has 
been  worth  to  the  North  all  it  cost  in  blood  and 
treasure,  but  it  has  made  a  wage  service  as  op- 
pressive as  slavery  was  to  the  negro  in  the  South. 
While  the  laborer  has  been  paid  for  his  labor, 
he  has  grown  restless  and  dissatisfied  with  his 
wages.  Labor  Unions  have  grown  in  numbers 
and  in  strength.  They  have  become  more  and 
more  outspoken  in  their  demands,  and  they 
threaten  to  involve  this  country  in  greater  em- 
barrassment than  the  negro  ever  caused.  The  out- 
come of  these  conditions  no  man  can  foresee. 
All  will  depend  upon  the  spirit  of  justice  and  fair 
play  that  the  Government  and  public  opinion  will 
exercise  in  arbitrating  differences  and  in  adjusting 
balances. 

These  disturbances  between  labor  and  capital 
have  been  confined  almost  entirely  to  the  Northern 
States, — to  the  people  who  have  profited  by  the 
results  of  the  war.  The  South  has  so  far  been 
comparatively  free  from  labor  contentions,  for  the 
reason  that  the  negro  labor  of  the  South  has  been 
regulated  by  a  domestic  situation  that  does  not 
exist  where  white  labor  is  almost  exclusively  em- 
ployed. 

I  have  brought  my  story  down  to  the  winter 
of  1865.     I  will  leave  it  here,  with  the  hope  that 


326        THE  VALLEY  CAMPAIGNS 

it  has  presented  a  view  of  the  war  from  a  point 
not  usually  taken  by  the  historian.  Many  of  the 
facts  are  seen  from  the  standpoint  of  a  boy,  others 
are  viewed  from  the  standpoint  of  a  matured  man, 
who  has  lived  long  after  the  events,  and  whose 
opinions  are  no  doubt  biased  by  contemporary  ob- 
servations and  experiences.  The  author  believes 
that  the  time  has  come  when  the  people  of  the 
South  should  try  to  forget  and  forgive  the  rough 
usages  of  the  war  and  take  hold  of  the  larger 
views  that  will  strengthen  and  ennoble  the  life 
and  influence  of  our  nation. 


The  soldier's  tent  is  pitched  at  last 
On  camping  ground  across  the  stream, 
Where  war's  fierce  cry  and  bugle  blast 
No  more  disturb  his  peaceful  dream. 

II 

The  musket's  crash  and  cannon's  roar 
That  raised  his  martial  spirits  high, 
In  vain  their  music  peals  may  pour 
Where  his  immortal  ashes  lie. 

Ill 

The  call  to  arms  at  early  morn, 
The  evening  "taps"  at  close  of  day 
Fall  silent  from  the  bugler's  horn 
When  death  has  reaped  its  final  pay. 


REBUILDING  WASTE  PLACES     327 

IV 

'Neath  many  a  moldering  heap  of  earth 
On  fields  of  carnage  stained  with  blood 
They  honor  those  who  gave  them  birth, — 
Proud  offspring  of  their  parenthood. 

V 

No  costly  urn  their  ashes  hold ; 
In  nameless  graves  they  often  sleep ; 
Their  deeds  of  valor  where'er  told 
In  loving  hearts  will  ever  keep. 

VI 

In  duty's  paths  they  firmly  trod, 
Obedient  to  their  holy  trust; 
Believing  in  Almighty  God, 
The  Cause  they  loved  to  them  was  just. 

VII 

From  Sumter's  fire  and  final  fall 
To  Appomattox's  end  in  peace 
They  gave  their  best — it  was  their  all ; 
The  time  had  come  for  war  to  cease. 

VIII 

If  truth  be  truth,  if  truth  be  right, 
Truth  and  untruth  can  ne'er  agree. 
To  flee  from  darkness  to  the  light 
Is  all  the  cost  of  liberty. 

THE    END 


